Edgar, this is a good overview of the state of banking in Nigeria. The traditional banks are resisting the reality that banking can not remain the way it used to be especially because of the entrance into the market by fintechs that are nimble like gazelles as opposed to being inflexible like an elephant. It should be noted that although, fintech can’t do investment banking like raising big-ticket funds for industries which still tend to be the forte of the big banks, other platforms such as equity finance and investment firms also known as venture capital firms have also moved into
the traditional market that could have sustained the old generation banks.
Those are the venture capital firms etc raising series 1,2 and 3 capital for firms like Flutterwave etc that are now unicorns-a billion dollars capital firm and therefore more capitalized than the major banks in Nigeria. It may be recalled that the likes of SoftBank had similar effects on traditional banking in the advanced society of the USA and Japan in Asia.
The downside of all of the developments in the financial services sector in Nigeria by new entrants of the likes of fintechs and capital /equity firms featuring angel investors even from offshore locations that are funding the likes of Jumia, Jiji, etc; is that they are exhibiting the characteristics associated with dot com firms in the 1990s. We all are aware of what became of them-they went burst just as we are witnessing the rise and fall of Bitcoin firms which had also eaten into the market of traditional banks. But they are also now tending to be going the way of dot coms that got bubbled up until they became burst.
In my view, the bank oligarchs as you tagged them are just resisting the acceptance of the fact that things are rapidly changing in the financial services sector and the huge profit that they have been amassing in the past few decades can’t be sustained in the face of the competition for customers with the new entrants that are less encumbered by huge overheads arising from being too top-heavy plus the high cost of having a massive number of branch offices at a colossal cost which is a burden that the new kids on the block are not carrying.
The first response by the old generation banks to the encroachment by the fintech and equity investment/venture capital firms is to evolve into Holding Companies. HOLDCO. Firstbank pioneered it , and Gtbank etc has toed that path too. With the humongous capital available to the big banks, l suspect that they too may be establishing subsidiaries to play in the fintech and equity investment sector.
It is only the banks that have resolved to remain stuck in their old practices as opposed to responding to the new dynamics of change that are still desperately sending their staff to seek deposits in an economy in the old ways and in an economy that is currently highly starved of funds to the extent that the CBN is using ways and means to keep the country afloat or downrightly printing money. Even the law authorizing the establishment of diaspora funds that president Buhari just signed into law is part of the many attempts to keep forex flowing from Nigerians in the diaspora into our country through remittances.
So things are still evolving in the financial services sector and the smart bankers and oligarchs are watching with keen interest. Therefore, your prognosis is great.
But I don’t share your sentiment that Titan bank would not fare well with its purchase of union bank. Titan just needs to follow the template set by tony Elumelu whose relatively small standard trust bank took over UBA that was in the same category of union bank as an old generation bank and has made a success of it .
Magnus Onyibe
Magnus Onyibe
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government.
The Real Reason Buhari Vetoed Electoral Act Amendment Bill
In my last media intervention during the last week of December 2021, titled “Electoral Act Amendment Bill: Interrogating The Ogbanje/Abiku Element”, which was widely published in the mass media, I tried to decipher the reasons for the killing of the electoral act amendment bill five (5) times under the watch of the incumbent government at the centre. In the article, I speculated that President Mohammadu Buhari, as commander-in-chief of Nigeria’s armed forces, knew what you and I did not, and thus rejected the bill, which he basically informed us contained anti-democracy elements.
Here is how I put it:
“That is perhaps owed to the fact that in his position as the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Nigeria, he knows what we all do not know, so he has his reasons which he has tried to put across to us.”
Fellow Nigerians, I can testify that I now know what Mr. President knows about the potential inequity that the clause in the rejected bill mandating political parties to produce candidates for general elections only through direct primaries would foist on the political class. It is information that is not in the public space.
While I was also perplexed as to why the outgoing governors, who will be exiting the powerful governors’ forum, were empowering a forum of which they would cease to be members from May 29, 2023, the puzzle is now solved as the pressure mounted by governors on President Buhari not to append his signature to the rejected bill was beyond the selfish interest of leaders of government at state levels. So, I am no longer confounded about the reasoning behind the governors’ interest in allegedly prevailing on President Buhari not to append his signature to the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2021, which had direct primaries as the only process of producing candidates for general elections.
And I will throw more light on that shortly.
Before then, here is how I wondered aloud about why governors were interested in sustaining indirect primaries in the same earlier cited piece:
“I am expressing that curiosity because it is basically through indirect primaries that governors can wield influence in determining who becomes the president, senator, or house of representatives member.”
“As most of the current governors are in the terminal stages of their tenure, after which some of them may not make it as the President, Vice President of Nigeria or party chairman end up as senators, it does not add up that they want to bestow so much power on the governors, a power block that they will not be part of in 2023.”
As evidenced by the conclusion above, I suspected that there was a catch for governors supporting a cause that they do not stand to profit from directly.
What I could not figure out at that time is that the APC governors were collectively fighting for the soul of the ruling party to prevent it, and to some extent, the entire Nigerian political system, from being hijacked by those who could attract and mobilize more members for the party in their respective states.
Ideally, attracting and registering more members for the party and leveraging the number to one’s advantage should not be such an anathema. That is because it is in consonance with the democracy dictum: the majority carries the vote. But just like the free market can not be without some level of regulations, the majority carries the vote principle of democracy and can not be unmoderated. Hence, the free rein that direct primaries could have engendered is being managed for the good of the ruling party at the center and, hopefully, for the Nigerian political class as a whole.
In light of the foregoing, I reasoned in the earlier-mentioned piece that the ruling party could have facilitated a settlement agreement between the presidency and its legislators before President Buhari rejected the bill.
The assertion above is underscored by the fact that the party at the center, APC, controls a majority of the members in both the senate and House of Representatives, hence it has been able to convert the electoral act amendment bill 2021 debate into a “family affair.”
As we all know, converting an official matter to a family affair is a euphemism for a resort to the compromise of the ethos of democracy or applying a “political solution” as opposed to adhering to the spirit and letter of the principles of democracy. So, it was sheer foolhardiness on my path to deign to assume that the legislators would suddenly grow from boys to men and override the president’s veto, as the previous NASS did with the NDDC bill that became an act after then president Olusegun Obasanjo’s veto was discountenanced or set aside by NASS during his reign.
In the instant case, the executive arm has captured the legislative and judiciary arms of the government through a series of radical actions against former CJN, Walter Onoghen, and ex-senate president, Bukola Saraki, who were considered a torn on the flesh of the executive arm and were literarily neutralized by being booted out of their roles where they were more or less seen to be like sentinels during the first term of the incumbent administration.
These actions, which some have averred as being unwholesome and inimical practices that portend danger to democracy, took place mostly in the course of the first term of President Buhari’s presidency, which was turbulent in terms of relations between the three arms of government. Those behind-the-scenes arm twisting maneuvers no doubt stymied the counter-balancing powers of the three other arms of government, which is considered an anathema in a true democracy. But the coming together of the executive and legislative arms as a force of the common good to disallow direct primaries as the only option for producing candidates that are deemed as a common threat to both the executive and legislative arms of government, bordering on political hijack, is a positive development.
As such, it is not surprising that the collective effort of both the executive and legislative arms of government to kill the resort to direct primaries is being welcomed by a broad spectrum of Nigerians, including the clergyman, Hassan Kukah, and some civil society organizations that had initially kicked against it when it was viewed from a narrow perspective.
With hindsight benefit, I realized that all the time that senators from the opposition party, PDP, were shouting themselves hoarse that the 73 votes (signatures) required to override the president’s veto had been secured, Aso Rock Villa must have been laughing in vernacular-apologies to ex-president Olusegun Obasanjo, who is a veteran of such derisive laughter.
That is simply because, following the discovery of the negative value intrinsic in the resort to the application of only direct primaries in producing candidates, the ruling party at the centre, APC, converting the matter into a family affair, took it out of the orbit and influence of the main opposition party, PDP.
In any case, other legislators from the parties must have by now been apprised of the truth about the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, 2021, and some of its toxic contents. Given that this period of being on recess by NASS is an opportunity for respite via back channels horse trading by the lawmakers, I suspect that by now, the much vaunted 73 signatures of senators purportedly gathered to override the president’s veto must be down to nearly zero.
So, as the popular saying goes, by killing the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, 2021, without any furore in NASS, the APC might have literarily killed a rat without spilling its blood, metaphorically.
If President Buhari’s veto stands, the critically important electoral act amendment bill, 2021, that has the capacity to give the growth of democracy in our country a quantum leap, and which could have been another opportunity to deepen democracy in our country, which was on the cusp of an evolution through direct primaries, has been sacrificed on the alter of narrow interests premised on the belief that Nigeria is not ripe for such practice. That is one way of looking at the presidential veto.
As pragmatic as that assessment may be, there is
Another school of thought, which is of the belief that at such a critical juncture in the life of our country, our leaders should be patriotic by taking a wholistic and altruistic approach to nation-building. But the highly partisan NASS, dominated by the APC, which is monolithic, is working assiduously to stamp out the opportunity to make our democracy more representative.
Such an attitude of often meeting public expectations is not peculiar to Nigerian politicians. In fact, it is an attribute that mimics the Republican Party in the USA, which is increasingly looking like a cult group and a torn in the flesh of the ruling Democratic Party, by constituting itself into a sentinel of sorts, determined to thwart the lofty plans of US president Joe Biden, such as his building back better infrastructure bill stuck in legislative pipelines. Given the nature of politics and what we can observe and learn from the USA, where Nigeria borrowed the presidential system of governance, we need no enlightenment by any soothe sayer before understanding that the electoral act amendment bill 2021 would likely continuously be an Ogbanje/Abiku (be born and get killed) as long as it is in any shape or form that is in conflict with the narrow interests of the ruling party, APC, or is considered to have the capacity to imperil the political system.
In the course of digging deep into why the electoral act amendment bill, 2021, was not accented by President Buhari, I have also come to know that the reason the executive and legislative arms of government seem to be working together without friction under the watch of President Buhari is that the leadership under Senate president, Ahmed Lawan, and House of Representatives speaker, Femi Gbajabiamila, has entered into a sort of pact with the executive arm of government to work together without antagonizing each other, as was the case with the 8th assembly that was at daggers drawn with the executive arm.
What that means is that there is a deliberate effort by both arms to function more cooperatively by having standing committees with members from both the executive and legislative arms of government, along with the primary agency that would implement the policy-end user also being a member of the cohort.
For instance, in the case of the electoral act amendment bill, INEC, which is the end user or implementing agency, is part of the standing committee.
I understand that it is one of the methods that NASS and the presidency adopted with the aim of being on the same page when policies or bills are being prepared from infancy to maturity. A similar strategy was applied to resolve the Petroleum Industry Bill, PIB, now Petroleum Industry Act, PIA, that had been on the drawing board since the return of multi-party democracy in 1999, the 4th republic.
That strategy, if I may refer to it as such, is supposed to be proof that the NASS is not a mere rubber stamp, as the legislators have been coming across to most observers, since they appear to be looking like yes men and women by not being seen to be scrutinizing proposals floated by the presidency via critical debates on them, as they should.
Similarly, the judiciary appears to be in acquiescence or hand in glove with the presidency, as it is not known to have barked, how much more bites the executive branch of government?
As a democracy advocate, it appears to me that such special arrangements are tending towards a dereliction of duty on the part of all the arms of government.
Put succinctly, the three arms of government appear to be reducing their constitutional role that made it obligatory for each of them to counterbalance each other to a mere perfunctory activity. As such, instead of strengthening democracy by strictly observing the tenets, the special arrangements may be watering down the benefits of the separation of powers that is the bulwark of democracy.
Whatever the case may be, it is debatable whether such arrangements that whittle down the principle of separation of powers, which is a canon of democracy, are beneficial to us as a nation or only serve the selfish political interests of the current political leadership of our country. In any case, it is another kettle of fish for interrogation on another date.
Nevertheless, any country operating a democratic system is at liberty to tweak the original system to suit its peculiar needs, depending on the national interest, local dynamics, and circumstances in the climate.
However, we must all be wary and vigilant about the potential corrosive effects of such practices or innovations on the fundamentals of democracy.
And the intervention via this essay is to awaken the senses of fellow democracy advocates to the danger that such compromise arrangements portend for our nascent democracy.
Before proceeding further, it is apropos at this juncture to point out that, contrary to the statement credited to the newly minted PDP chairman, senator, Iyochia Ayu, that the ruling party at the center, APC, plans to rig the 2023 presidential election, hence President Buhari failed to advance the Electoral Act Amendment bill 2021 into law, I would like to announce that it is much deeper than that.
In fact, it is for APC’s own internal reasons that the restriction of the process of choosing contestants for political offices by political parties strictly via direct primaries, instead of the freedom to choose from the three options of direct, indirect, and consensus, is rejected by President Buhari.
Unlike when my analysis was based on conventional wisdom, hence I was astounded by the befuddling conclusions from my trend analysis that are in tandem with most of the excuses advertised as the reasons that weighed down President Buhari’s hand, hence he was unable to sign the bill into law; I am now in a better position to share with readers the real and weighty debilities (if any) of President Buhari.
may refer to them as such) that compelled Mr. President not to assent to the bill that was transmitted to him on the 19th of November, 2021.
At this juncture, allow me to do so by putting some meat on the bone:
It may be recalled that the ruling APC, under the chairmanship of former governor of Edo state, Adams Oshiomole, embarked on a membership drive.
It was an initiative hailed by most pundits.
But the motive for the initiative was not really altruistic.
Rather, it is self-serving for particular interest groups.
With the introduction of technology into the election process, ballot box snatching and stuffing, as well as the writing of election results even before they were held, using alternative result sheets, which was once in vogue, have become obsolete.
But since human beings must keep trying to find ways to circumvent the rules by bending without breaking them, no matter how ironclad the rules are, new strategies that are more sophisticated are usually devised to breach the system.
And so it happened that the tactics of leveraging a larger membership base to gain an advantage in producing candidates using direct primaries, deemed in some quarters as a sophisticated way of rigging at the internal party level, almost slipped through the system to become law. It was executed through some clever maneuvering in the House of Representatives.
It was killed after it had landed on the desk of President Buhari in Aso Rock Villa.
If President Buhari had signed the electoral act amendment bill in 2021 with the clause prohibiting other options other than direct primaries as the only process of producing candidates by political parties, the ruling party at the center, the APC, would have been in for a surprise, as he would not have had a say in who becomes the next president after him.
That is simply because, for instance, at
At the end of the membership registration exercise, Lagos state had registered 4.5 million members, Kano state recorded 4.2 million members, while Delta state garnered a paltry 350,000 members and so on and so forth.
For the purpose of this analysis, I would confine myself to sharing with readers the APC membership registration figures for the three states listed above.
Take note that in a direct primary option, the registered members of the party are the delegates. That is contrary to the process of indirect primaries, whereby only party executives, elected representatives, and government appointees from wards to local government and state levels are delegates. Naturally, where there is no higher elected or appointed person in the state, the governor is the leader. But where there is a higher authority, that person is the leader of the state, and he or she controls the delegates.
When the conduct of indirect primaries is applied, the number of delegates from all the states is near parity.
On the contrary, where direct primaries are adopted, the more members a state can mobilize on its membership list, the higher the number of delegates that it would present at a national convention to elect a presidential candidate in party primaries. Consider a hypothetical scenario whereby the leader of APC in Lagos state decides to run for the presidency and chooses the leader of APC in Kano state, who is the current governor, as his running mate. Between the two of them, they can muster about 8.5 million votes.
If that happens, winning the primaries would be a fait accompli for the candidates from the states with the two highest numbers of registered voters—Lagos and Kano—if they decide to team up. Thus, the next presidential candidate of the APC could emerge without the input of the president, who is supposed to be the leader of the party.
In effect, President Buhari would be undermined or undercut as he would have no say on who succeeds him as president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria if direct primaries were to be adopted as enshrined in the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, 2021, that President Buhari vetoed on December 21, 2021.
That is simply because even the whole of the states in the south-south and south-east may not be able to generate the votes that could match the number of votes coming from just the two states of Lagos and Kano.
In the event that such happens, assuming the option of direct primaries was adopted as it was captured in the rejected bill, President Buhari would not be able to realize his plan of determining who would be the next president, a person whom he stated in a recent Channels television interview that he already knows and prefers to hold back the identity because he does not want the person eliminated.
According to President Buhari in the earlier referenced TV interview, “I will not tell you (who the next president will be) because he may be eliminated if I mention his name.”
Even as I do not intend to go into further details at this point, it is manifestly clear from the comment above that President Buhari already has in mind who would be the APC presidential candidate in 2023.
Lt. Col. Babangida, the former military president, previously shared his thoughts on who should be the next president on Arise TV.However, LB’s view is not as weighty as that of the incumbent president, Buhari, who is the current holder of the lever of political power.
So dear readers, the real reason that the electoral act amendment bill, 2021, has been guillotined is that direct primaries would make President Buhari lose control of the party, such that he would not be able to have any influence or control over who succeeds him as president in 2023, since rogue elements in his party would have literarily pulled the carpet from under his feet.
That, in my view, is not a space that any leader would like to be in.
Other reasons advanced include the notion that direct primaries violate the ethos of democracy, which is about freedom of choice; direct primaries are too expensive to fund in light of the government’s dwindling financial resources (despite the CBN resorting to printing money); and the ministry of finance increasing VAT rates and introducing new taxes (sugar tax), as well as the proposed increase in fuel pump price.
Price, which is certain to overburden the already overburdened citizens.
By the way, the aforementioned pernicious taxes are being imposed to support big government as opposed to doing the ideal thing, which is streamlining Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) that are throwing up humongous overhead costs, hence very little is left to fund capital projects, which are basically infrastructure, such as roads, rail and electricity, which are basically employment-generating activities that President Buhari appears to be very determined to score high points on before his exit from Aso Rock villa in 2023.
The other reason touted to justify President Buhari‘s decision not to sign off on the bill, as presented by NASS, is that it is too dangerous to risk the lives of voters, as they may be exposed to the danger of being attacked by bandits, recently designated as terrorists.
On that last point, I would like to point out that it may be hypocritical since the same voters being considered too endangered to queue up to vote during party primaries would be expected to queue up to vote in general elections as they have done in 2015 and 2019.
The truth is that the foregoing excuses are merely what is usually referred to in the world of business as “corporate speak.”
It does not necessarily mean it is the true position of things.
That is to say that the above advertised reasons for rejecting the bill as contained in President Buhari’s memo of December 21, 2021 to the National Assembly, NASS can be classified as an official APC party position aimed at hoodwinking the undiscerning.
If the “political coup” of making the process of political parties producing contestants exclusively via direct primaries had materialized, it would have been akin to what happened to former president Olusegun Obasanjo, OBJ, who lost control of the party and political system after the governor’s checkmated him, some say for not keeping to the bargain that he made with them for both president and governor to get a third term in office. It may be recalled that the governors worked with lawmakers from their respective states to pull the plug on the then president’s proposed third term agenda exclusively for the office of the president, which then senate president Ken Nnamani executed perfectly by ensuring that the bill failed to sail through, and which was to the shock and chagrin of President Obasanjo, who did not see it coming as he thought he had the deal sealed without being cognizant of the fact that politics is about interests which are never permanent.
The OBJ debacle occurred during the same lame duck period as the current attempted “political coup” against Buhari, who is only 17 months from the end of his tenure.
Another point which needs to be made is that if President Buhari and the APC are so keen on complying with democratic ethos, hence they are insisting that the electoral act amendment bill, 2021 must reflect freedom of choice by giving political parties the three options of direct, indirect, and consensus, how come the conduct of a referendum, which is a critical component of democracy being agitated for by the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, is not accepted? For the sake of equity and justice, the application or observance of democratic tenets should not be selective. So, as Mr. President is currently insisting that the three options of direct, indirect, and consensus options must be applied in political party primaries for the sake of upholding the tenets of democracy, is it not curious that rather than accepting that a referendum, which is a fundamental component of democracy, should be conducted, lPOB was proscribed and thousands of lgbo youths involved in the struggle have been sent to their early graves by government security forces, and their leader, Nnamdi Kanu, is langu, is langu, is languys
Sunday lgboho, another crusader for the creation of the Oduduwa nation exclusively for the Yoruba ethnic nationality, feels the same way.
For the umpteenth time, let me restate that I don’t subscribe to the splitting up of our beloved country, which is the mission of Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Igboho. And I can even go further to wager that if a referendum on Biafra or Oduduwa nations were to be allowed to be conducted, voters on the side of Nigeria’s remaining one indivisible country would prevail.
That is because the lgbos, Yorubas, and Hausa/Fulani require a large market to sell in.
They and their wares are aware that it is in their best interest to remain in Nigeria. I mean, it is a settled belief amongst globalists that the bigger a country is, the better the opportunities for its citizens. China and India, the two biggest countries population-wise, are good reference points.
And in the case of the place of lgbos in Nigeria, which is peculiar because they have literally been in the cold since they were defeated in a civil war that ended in 1970, they need to be given a sense of belonging by offering them the chance to take a shot at the presidency, as was the case in 1999 when both Olusegun Obasanjo of the PDP and Olu Falae of the APP, both of whom are of Yoruba origin, were allowed, with the exclusion of other nationalities, to contest for the presidency.
It is needless to restate the fact that the gesture assuaged the pain of the Yoruba nation arising from the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election acclaimed to have been won by the amiable and popular philanthropist and business mogul turned politician, MKO Abiola, who also lost his life in the ensuing struggle to claim his mandate.
In terms of the Yoruba quest for Oduduwa nation, as I understand it, lgboho is fighting polity inequality bordering on hegemony by a particular ethnic group over other members of the Nigerian union, and he is also aiming to protect Yoruba forests from bandits, violent herdsmen, and other criminal elements that have taken over similar forests in our country’s northern parts.
On the challenge of finding suitable presidential candidates and in a situation where there is an apparent dearth of ideal presidential candidates
Based on some universal minimum requirements, I proposed to the main opposition party, PDP, a hybrid or a short-cut pathway to the presidency for the lgbo through a unique partnership with former Vice President Abubakar Atiku, Turaki Adamawa, who has the political clout and financial muscle (a successful businessman/politician who has vied for the presidency up to four times in nearly three decades), and thus has the momentum to build upon.
Unfortunately, that formula-Atiku presidency with lgbo Vice President-is currently facing headwinds as PDP governors are said to be in a quandary as to whether or not to adjust their position in the light of the prevailing political dynamics in the country, which compels the return of presidential power from the north to the south. The good news is that politicians on both the northern and southern divides appear to be poised to return power to the south, and President Buhari’s body language tends to suggest that he would like to hand over to someone from the south east.
In my assessment, that person is unlikely to be a professional politician or a core LBNO person.
That is all I can say for now, as other details will unfold during the much delayed APC convention, if it is held next month or in the weeks and months ahead.
Meanwhile, Nigerians are holding their breath as politics takes the center stage and governance recedes beginning from now to May 29, 2023.
Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
To continue with this conversation, please visit www.magnum.ng
Effervescent Bolaji Akinyemi At 80: They Don’t Come This Good Anymore.
Even at the octogenarian age of 80, Professor Bolaji Akinwande Akinyemi still sparkles.
He does so in many ways, and especially with the program that he hosts and broadcasts on YouTube every Thursday, aptly titled “ThruMYeyes with Professor Bolaji Akinyemi.”
For the information of those who are yet to become devotees/enthusiasts of the program, it is an interactive forum with a menu of current issues in international relations and foreign policy which the mercurial professor Akinyemi dishes out to his audience as the chief chef. And that is in addition to the fact that he was deputy chairman of the National Confab held in 2014, whose far-reaching recommendations have the capacity to change Nigeria for good.
The import of his active presence in the foreign relations space where he remains a towering figure is magnified by the fact that he exited the position of Nigeria’s minister of External Affairs in excess of 35 years ago (1985–87).
Nonetheless, professor Akinyemi remains a force to be reckoned with both at home, where he played critical roles during the 2014 National Confab and in 2007 as a member of the late Umar Yar’adua’s Justice Mohamed Uwais Electoral Reform Committee, and abroad, where his footprints in his chosen field of law and diplomacy remain larger than life.
As a result of the foregoing, I can state without fear of contradiction that professor Akinyemi’s bones are ingrained with international relations and affairs, which by now must be a major component of his DNA because that is a space in which he has spent more or less 60 years of his 80-year sojourn on planet Earth as both a student and a practitioner.
Is it not amazing that at the youthful age of 27, the intellectual powerhouse was already a professor? That is owed to his acquisition of outstanding academic laurels from some of the best educational institutions in the north.
He attended two prestigious American universities: the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Boston, where he earned a master’s degree, and the highly regarded University of Oxford in England, where he earned his PhD.
From 1975 to 1983, he was the Director General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, NIIA, a foreign policy think tank that was a natural fit for him to head for five years before having a stint as a professor of political science at the University of Lagos from 1983–85.
Subsequently, the military government, which was not partisan but rather keen on finding round pegs for round holes, did not hesitate in appointing him the minister of External Affairs at the young age of 33. Although he served as minister for a relatively short period of two (2) years (1985–87), he made such a positive impact that his work has continued to shape our country’s foreign policy some 35 years after his eventful tenure.
Apart from the Technical Aids Corps (TAC), which was conceived and implemented under his watch to render assistance to fellow Africans free of charge and in the process bolster Nigeria’s leadership influence across the continent, Professor Akinyemi is also the architect of the Concert of Medium Powers, which is a trade and political bloc of medium-power countries with regional influence that were being positioned to counterbalance, via collective bargaining, the over-bearing activities of then super powers-the USA and Russia-over less powerful countries world wide.
But European and other medium powers, most especially the likes of Sweden, failed to buy into the concept, probably because it was not propounded by one of their own, and perhaps owing to a contrived superiority complex that Europeans tend to assume that they have over Africans, they could not yield to the leadership of such a novel and positively disruptive initiative in Nigeria.
As a result of what I would like to term a miasma of despair on the part of the potential beneficiaries of the concept in the developing world and the Western world’s tendency to collaborate with their neighbors and allies to exploit the underdeveloped world, particularly Africans, the otherwise excellent idea propounded by the erudite professor Akinyemi suffered atrophy.
Unbeknownst to the naysayers, Professor Akinyemi was well ahead of his time.
It is worth pointing out that the intendments of Akinyemi’s policy proposal to birth the Concept of Medium Powers were later realized through the emergence of China in the global scene as a formidable force that has been playing a countervailing role which has had the moderating effect of diluting the suffocating influence of Europe and North America over global trade and politics, an agenda which the visionary Akinyemi was pursuing through the concert of medium powers, an idea which he first propounded way back in 1987.
Without a shadow of a doubt, such a globally beneficial policy could have sprung from no less an intellectual mind than that of professor Akinyemi, who drank from the fountains of knowledge at both the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, where he received his master’s degree in 1966, barely a couple of years after I was born.It is noteworthy that the Fletcher School is an institution of learning that owes its establishment to World War ll. This is because it was only after the war that the compelling need to set up an institution with a specialization in global affairs to mitigate a future breakout of global war was addressed with the birth of the Fletcher School. It is also significant that Professor Akinyemi, the man being celebrated, is also a product of the University of Oxford, which is the flagship citadel of learning in Europe renowned for being the training ground for some of the world’s greatest thinkers.
Regrettably, Nigerian policymakers or public office holders are no longer as grounded as they used to be, as reflected by the impeccable intellectual pedigree of Akinyemi, simply because the criteria for public office is no longer based on merit but on nepotism or partisanship.
The reversal in the fortunes of our beloved country is evidenced by the yawning gap between the way and manner in which our country is currently perceived internationally compared to the days when a well-grounded technocrat like Akinyemi was at the helm of affairs in the foreign policy formulation desk, first as Director General of the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs, NIIA, and later as Minister of External Affairs, where he was turning out superlative policies that rankled the super powers and which made them hold Nigeria in awe due to the brilliant ideas emanating from our technocrats like Akinyemi.
Because some of our public office holders, like Professor Akinyemi, were so well versed in their areas of primary assignments, they made international media headlines through their dynamic and ground-breaking ideas and concepts.
Such sagacity conferred on Nigeria not just the prestige of being the leader of Africa, but also a formidable force on the world stage.
How can it be forgotten that Nigeria was tipped to be a part of BRICS, which is a group of countries including Brazil, Russia, India, and China (BRIC), an acronym of the nations identified by Goldman Sachs economist Jim O’Neal in 2001 as countries that have the potential to change the worst.
But following a series of political miscalculations that have bedeviled our country, not limited to, but particularly stemming from the failure of military president, Lt. Col. Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, IBB (1985-1993) to keep his promise to hand over political power to civilians in 1993 after MKO Abiola was believed to have won the presidential elections held on June 12 of that year, a more tyrannical military dictator, Sani Abacha, ascended the throne as military head of state.
His ascension was preceded by his ouster of Ernest Shonekan as interim head of state, after IBB stepped aside, and the consequence of the upheaval was our country’s loss of the opportunity to join that exclusive club of emerging economic and political power blocs, famously known as BRIC at that time.
Remarkably, Nigeria’s loss was South Africa’s gain, as it was the S in South Africa that got incorporated into the acronym to form BRICS.
That is simply because it is within the same period that the obnoxious apartheid that scourged the conscience of the world was killed, and therefore a precursor to the emergence of the late civil rights struggle icon, Nelson Mandela, who was released from prison to become president of South Africa in 1994 after a long period of oppression of the black majority by the white minority.
Thus, instead of BRINC with N, if Nigeria was chosen over South Africa, we dropped out of the league.
And since then, owing to the sordid image of our country, both at home and abroad, the nation’s fortune has been on a downward spiral.
This is underscored by the fact that these days, Nigeria is only mentioned in the global media for the wrong reasons. As a person of impeccable character and pristine pedigree, one cannot celebrate Professor Akinyemi without referencing his incorruptibility.
So, as a breath of fresh air in the fouled sociopolitical atmosphere prevailing in our country, whereby the malfeasance of public office holders, stinking to the high heavens, is the new normal, Bolaji Akinyemi’s public service record can be an elixir of sorts.
His story (history) is guaranteed to bring back the feelings of nostalgia about the brilliance and high-voltage intellectualism that were once the hallmarks of our public servants.
That is quite the opposite of the current narrative of financial malfeasance, which is the trademark of a preponderance of our public servants, particularly the likes of Abdulrazaq Maina, the pension fund task force leader who re-looted stolen pension funds running into trillions of naira that he was tasked with recovering, and ex-petroleum resources minister, Deziani Allison-Madueke, whose jewelry allegedly acquired with stolen oil/gas money was recovered and sold for huge sums, the value of which would make the infamous Imelda Marcus of the Philippines green with envy.
It is undeniable that Professor Akinyemi’s exploits in exemplary public service to his country are a touchstone in the annals of our beloved country.
For those who are unaware, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, ex-Director General of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, NIIA, and former Minister of External Affairs, introduced the concept of the Concert of Medium Powers—a conglomeration of medium-power nations with the capacity and ability to promote trade between and among themselves by forming a global political block as a counterforce to the dominance of the superpowers who control a majority of the world’s resources.
But before shining more light on Akinyemi’s remarkable accomplishments as a colossus in international affairs, astute public servant, and purpose-driven leader of high integrity, allow me to digress a bit by highlighting the disconcerting state of affairs in our country arising from the lack of a broad world view by our current leaders, culminating in the mismanagement of our diversity. That is, sadly, why our country is now mentioned in the same breath as failed countries like Afghanistan, Iraq, or Syria, either for the rising tide of terrorism or alongside Libya, Sudan, Mali, and Ethiopia, which are notorious for violence driven by the struggle of aggrieved members of the country seeking to be separated to form their own countries due to religious intolerance or ethnic rivalry between the country’s multiple ethnic nationalities.
Despite the magnitude of corruption that is endemic in public service, Bolaji Akinyemi, having been sired by a clergyman and an educationist, Reverend James Akinyemi, is an epitome of integrity. Hence, although he served in premium roles in government, he has no real estate assets like mansions in high-brow neighborhoods like IKOYI, Lagos or Maitama, Abuja. Instead, he dwells in a modest home, not on the island as most public servants of his caliber who have attained the level of cabinet minister are likely to, but on the mainland of Lagos.
Compare him to the obscene situation whereby the immediate past petroleum resources minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke, has been indicted for frittering away billions of oil money, some of which was used to acquire an obscene collection of jewelries and personal accoutrements that got seized and which would make Imelda Marcus (the Philippines’ infamous First Lady who acquired 3,000 pairs of shoes) green with envy.
And even consider the case of Abdulrasheed Maina, a pension fund task force chairman assigned with the duty of recovering looted pension funds running into trillions of naira, which he re-looted and anti-graft agencies uncovered and jailed him.
The negative effect of the heist by the pension fund looter, the compromised former minister of petroleum resources and other corrupt public and civil servants may be adversely impacting the likes of Professor Akinyemi, who may not be regularly receiving their pension dues as retired public servants that served without blemish. The above assertion is underscored by the fact that with the legendary irregular payment of pensioners’ dues, which is the dishonorable trade mark of our government, honest retirees such as Professor Akinyemi, who did not dip their hands into the public treasury to create personal retirement benefits for themselves by engaging in corrupt practices, may be in jeopardy.
One lesson that I have learnt from the story of Professor Bolaji Akinyemi is that military regimes did a better job of picking appointees for technocratic posts than politicians simply because they were adept at casting their nets far and wide to find Nigerians with the best fit for the roles as Ministers and Directors General of Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs). And they did a good job, so a positive image of our country soared even if it was under military dictatorship.
The assertion above is validated by the fact that it was under military regimes that we had the likes of indubitable Professor Akinyemi is in charge of the foreign affairs ministry, Professor Olikoye Ransome-Kuti is in charge of the health ministry, and Professor Babatunde Fafunwa is in charge of the education ministry.All of them were round pegs in round holes at different points in time under the watch of the military.
Apparently and understandably, our political leaders are unable to achieve such a high level of professionalism in appointments to strategic public offices owing largely to the need to be partisan by rewarding those who were in the trenches with them during elections and thus helped them to prevail over their opponents.
In my view, there is a need to strike a balance between professional politicians and professionals in politics in choosing various heads of MDAs in order to deliver on campaign promises made when seeking to be elected.
On a personal note, Professor Akinyemi is my intellectual role model. It was he who influenced me, without his knowing it, to pursue a masters degree program in the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy because, as a young, impressionable man, I longed to plant my feet in his footprints, career-wise.
After my academic pursuit in Fletcher, I had also planned to build on it by attending the University of Oxford for a doctoral degree, as Professor Akinyemi had done by obtaining his doctor of philosophy degree, PhD, from Trinity College, Oxford.
Having applied and being considered suitable by the authorities at the University of Oxford for academic pursuit, I was torn between remaining in the political arena to harness the reward of my role in the emergence of the late Umar Yar’adua as president in 2007, and sacrificing my ambition of obtaining a PhD from the University of Oxford, as professor Akinyemi had done.
Regrettably, I opted for the former and lost the latter.
Since then, as the conventional wisdom goes, a lot of water has passed under the bridge.
It was Eleanor Roosevelt who once stated, “If life were predictable, it would cease to be life, and be without flavor.”
Professor Bolaji Akinyemi is not only an intellectual role model, but also a style icon.
It was he that popularized bow tie wearing on a daily basis, as opposed to wearing it only at weddings, for ballroom dances, or other special occasions.
As I watched him on television, I got so enamored and sucked in by his bow tie, so much so that when I became a banker, I developed the knack for also spotting bow ties, even at work on a daily basis. But my obsession with bow ties was scuttled by an overzealous executive director in the bank where I was working then, and who banned, with military alacrity, my wearing of bow ties to work as a banker.
Readers can now figure out who influenced me to the extent that the most popular photo of me that accompanies my published essays and book is the one where I am spotting a bow tie.
In a bid to permanently hold on to the memory of Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, my intellectual mentor, I had the privilege of having him write the forward for my soon-to-be-released book, “Becoming the President of Nigeria.” A Citizen’s Guide “
In conclusion, I would like the world to join me in wishing the effervescent foreign policy leadership icon, a maestro in political science, an administrator per excellence, and an octogenarian who turned 80 on December 4, 2022,
Wishing Bolaji Akinwande Akinyemi a very happy 80th birthday anniversary.
Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
To continue with this conversation, please visit www.magnum.ng
Interrogating the Ogbanje/Abiku Spirit of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill
Perhaps, being a pragmatist who has weighed all the odds against the concept of direct primaries for the nomination of candidates for political offices by parties, such as the humungous cost of executing the task and the risk posed to the lives of potential voters owing to the alarming level of insecurity in lives in the polity, as well as the undemocratic element in the bill that smacks of imposition, amongst other reasons, President Mohammadu Buhari had to demurn
It is a document that he has five (5) times sent back to the sender; hence, I have named it Ogbanje/Abiku.
I will elucidate on that aspect later because it is the easy part.
The hard part that President Buhari is confronted with is the challenge of convincing the majority of Nigerians that his actions are altruistic and not hypocritical. But how can what was transmitted from Aso Rock Villa via a memo to the Senate on Monday, the 21st day of December 2021 not be hypocrisy and bad news for democracy in the optics of the long-suffering Nigerian electorate that has been dying for the day that their votes would start counting?
Of course, President Mohammadu Buhari does not share their sentiments, hence he withheld his assent to the Electoral Act Amendment bill, 2021, as passed by NASS.
That is perhaps owed to the fact that in his position as the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces of Nigeria, he knows what we all do not know, so he has his reasons, which he has tried to put across to us.
And the justifications are that direct primaries are an undemocratic practice as it would be tantamount to an imposition on political parties; it is too expensive-lNEC already has a budget proposal of not less than N305b excluding the cost of direct primaries; and the high level of insecurity,
(driven by terrorism), particularly in the entire northern region of our country at this point in time, would disenfranchise folks who may be unable to go out and queue up in the open for direct primaries since it would expose them to potential terrorist attacks, etc.
As cogent as President Buhari’s reasons appear on face value, to most Nigerians, the failure to assent to the bill that would allow direct primaries, which could have enabled the masses to have more say in who governs them, as opposed to the current process of vesting such powers on delegates that are susceptible to manipulation by the governors who appoint them, is simply terrible news that was broken to them on the 21st day of December, of the 21st year in the 21st century.
To me, it is certainly a lost opportunity for President Buhari to write his name in gold by being the one who moved the process of electioneering in Nigeria a few notches higher than when he assumed power as president.
The singular act of signing that bill into law had the capacity to erase all the negative actions and inactions attributed to President Buhari from the first time he served in a political role as governor of the northeastern state (1975-76), federal commissioner (minister) of petroleum resources, (1976-78), military head of state (1983-85), chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund, PTF (1994-99), and his current position as president of the federal republic of Nigeria since 2015.
The assertion above is validated by the fact that it is the critical efforts made by his predecessors, particularly on the reform of the electoral process, that elevated them to the high esteem in which Nigerians currently hold them.
Particularly worthy of mention is the late president, Umaru Yar’adua (2007–2010), who laid the foundation by setting up the Justice Lawal Uwais committee on electoral reforms after he admitted that the process that ushered him into power in 2007 might have been flawed. Credit also goes to his deputy, Goodluck Jonathan, who took over from him as president and implemented some of the Uwais committee’s reformative recommendations that culminated in the electoral law of 2010, which is currently in the process of amendment.
Given the narrative above, it behooves President Buhari to take the electoral process to the next level, which is the mantra of the ruling party at the center, APC, when it was campaigning for the re-election of President Buhari in 2019.
Before dwelling further on the political nitty-gritty, let us examine some issues in leadership from the optics of the private sector to see if we can make some extrapolations for the political arena.
And I would like to commence by posing the question: what are the authentic and altruistic reasons that drive people into aspiring to occupy office (public or private) if not to take the entity higher to levels beyond the point at which they took over the mantle?
As a Chief Executive Officer or CEO of a bank, oil and gas exploration firm, consumer goods manufacturing company, or telecoms outfit, one’s goal is to leave the organization with a better and bigger balance sheet and profit, producing more barrels of oil and gas at less cost, churning out more fast-moving consumer goods to cover a larger market size and leveraging robust network infrastructure to expand into a wider market size by onboarding more subscribers to grow the base, as the case may be.
What would be the equivalent deliverables in the world of politicians?
I would assume that it is the provision of the proverbial dividends of democracy. And this entails services such as good roads for ease of transportation, abundant and affordable houses to enable more people to have roofs over their heads, an adequate supply of potable water for sustenance of health and avoidance of water-borne diseases, well-equipped hospitals for improved public health care and longer life expectancy, and finally, high-quality educational institutions at all levels for the acquisition and spread of better knowledge in society, amongst others.
And all the outlined dividends of democracy can only be made possible within the framework of a thriving liberal democracy, which can only be obtainable if the democratic space is made more open and transparent.
And one of the ways of making the political atmosphere more friendly and less fractious is through increased citizen participation in the process of choosing their leaders. Which is what direct primaries by political parties for choosing their candidates would engender.
Given the dwindling turnout of voters in elections, such as the Anambra state gubernatorial election held barely a month ago, where only about 10% of registered voters turned out to vote (a clear indicator of the electorate’s waning interest in engaging in the civic responsibility of voting), it is clear that public interest in the political process of electioneering needs to be bolstered.
The experience in Edo state about a year prior to the Anambra state governorship contest, which is not significantly different, simply demonstrates that there is a pattern of low voter turnout reflecting apathy by potential but reluctant voters in Nigeria who are skeptical of the process of elections.
And the adoption of direct primaries in the manner that candidates would emerge from within the parties could have given Nigerians the desired shot in the arm that could have spurred more interest in politics.
It is a no-brainer to identify the culprit for the dwindling number of Nigerians going to the polls as partly the lack of transparency in the electoral process that is mired in violence and therefore off-putting to the majority of the electorate. It is also the reason that high-caliber personalities that abound in our country and would have loved to be candidates in political contests, since they are competent, have been giving politics a wide berth.
Now, allow me to return to why I have dubbed that piece of legislation causing a ruckus in the polity, Ogbanje/Abiku.
The fact that the electoral act amendment bill is a piece of legislation that has five (5) times been sent back and forth between the legislative and executive arms of government, makes it an Abiku to the Yoruba people, or Ogbanje in LGBo land.
For the benefit of those not familiar with African mythology, it is about a child born with predestination to die each time he/she is born. The fact that the electoral act amendment bill has been tagged Ogbanje or Abiku is due to the fact that NASS has conceived and given birth to the bill and sent it five times to President Buhari, who has also returned it five times.
How else can one characterize a process that should have given a new lease on life to a political system that is currently defined by opacity, particularly with regard to elections and internal democracy within political parties, but instead has been shot down by the same president a record five times?
So, while the electoral system remains obfuscated through continued prevarications by the political class under the watch of the current leadership in Aso Rock Villa, fewer Nigerians will engage in the chore of voting as long as they believe that their votes will not count. That simply implies that democracy would either stand still or recede.
That is not a place where our democracy should be, especially after 21 years of continuous practice.
Hence, I wondered aloud in a previous article published by the cable on January 4, 2016, and subsequently on other mass media platforms with the title: “Are Elections Giving Democracy A Bad Name in Nigeria?”
Permit me to reproduce an excerpt.
Given the unprecedented spate of violence in the 2015 general elections that ushered in a change of rulership to an opposition political party in Nigeria and the brigandage that eclipsed recent elections in Kogi and Bayelsa states, leading to inconclusive governorship elections, all arms of government in Nigeria need to rethink the role of violence viz-a-viz the integrity of elections in our fragile democracy.
According to Kofi Annan, a former UN scribe, one of the most striking developments of the last quarter of a century is the spread of elections. In his view, “Commonwealth was both a witness and an agent of this remarkable phenomenon.” When it adopted the Harare Declaration in 1991, nine of its members were under military or one-party rule. By 1999, all had become “multiparty democracies”.
Annan’s analogy reflects exactly the situation in Nigeria because in 1991, our country was under the yoke of a military jackboot but by 1999, multi-party democracy had returned and it has consistently remained back-to-back for an unbroken sixteen years. “
Going further, the former UN scribe lamented, “Unfortunately, after the initial period of genuine change, rulers learned that elections did not necessarily have to mean democracy: elections could be gamed to remain in power, sometimes indefinitely.”
Sadly, the scenario described above by Annan generally reflects the state of affairs in the Nigerian political space, which is now characterized by deadly battles to supplant popular votes with the imposition of candidates using the force of violence by elements in and out of government that are undemocratic.
Most striking is Annan’s conclusion that when elections are rigged, it does three things to democracy: firstly, it confuses legality with illegitimacy; secondly, it confuses repression with stability; and thirdly, it confuses an electoral mandate with a blank cheque.
The former United Nations UN scribe, Annan’s conclusion is damning and disconcerting. More so, because the current faulty electoral process in Nigeria that direct primaries could rectify is an archetype of what Annan was referring to.
So, restoring confidence in the sanctity of our political parties’ process of electing candidates into public office is one sure way of curing the malaise of voter apathy that the adoption of direct primaries, amongst other provisions, could have engendered, thus conferring integrity on elections so that it would no longer give democracy a bad name, as Kofi Annan queried. Unfortunately, the opportunity has been lost one more time on December 21, 2021.
That is ostensibly due to some elements embodied in the bill deemed to be undemocratic by the powers that be; the high cost of conducting direct primaries in an economy where authorities are struggling to pay civil servants’ salaries; and a country that is experiencing very disturbing levels of insecurity of lives and properties in most parts, making life look like hell on earth.
At least, the above is my understanding of the official reason adduced by Mr. President in his 21/12/21 memo to the NASS.
Let us not forget that a similar chance to do the needful (as the youths would put it) was also lost in 2018 — patently because the passage of the bill, according to Aso Rock demagogues, was too close to the date of the 2019 general elections.
Although both reasons for bucking in 2018 and 2021 appear to be absurd to most Nigerians outside the orbit of Aso Rock Villa, the ball, as the saying goes, ends at the president’s table.
Vox populi, vox dei is a Latin proverb that translates as “the voice of the people is the voice of God.”
Mr. President appears not to be a fan of that aphorism as he seems ready to shake off the flak being generated by his decision not to harken to the voice of the people as dexterously as a duck would feel at home inside a lake.
Otherwise, he may find himself looking like a fish out of water when the chips are down and he incurs the ire of the people via the heightened activities of civil society advocacy groups currently urging the National Assembly (NASS) to override the president by activating the relevant portions of the constitution that empower it to so do.
It is not surprising that those who are dissatisfied with President Buhari’s decision to withhold assent to the bill believe there is more to it than meets the eye.
Firstly, it is argued that the long-term benefits of the decision to sign the bill into law for the purpose of deepening democracy far outweigh the short-term benefits of yielding to the antics of those who want to maintain the status quo ante by wiping up fear and panic sentiments that might have tied the hands of President Buhari.
On the issue of fear-mongering, Mr. President might have been told that approving direct primaries, which was incidentally the process applied during the party primaries that earned him the opportunity of being the APC flag bearer in 2015, would expose the party to the type of defeat which it suffered in recent elections in both Edo and Anambra state gubernatorial elections when technology was leveraged.
Secondly, the hawks around Mr. President might have also rationalized to him that in the event that the ruling party at the center, APC, suffers a loss to the main opposition party, PDP, in 2023, President Buhari may not have a restful retirement at his farm in Daura, which he has stated multiple times in various fora that he is looking forward to.
But, applying trend analysis in assessing the fear that might have been sewn into the mind of President Buhari, the chances of the president going to jail after he exits office in 2023 on account of his stewardship is near zero.
Here is why: neither ex-presidents Olusegun Obasanjo nor Goodluck Jonathan (two of the surviving presidents since the return of multi-party democracy in 1999) is in jail.
Furthermore, vice presidents under the aforementioned presidents, Abubakar Atiku and Namadi Sambo, are not imprisoned.
Even the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, SGF (Ufot Ekaete, Babagana Kingibe, Anyim Pius Anyim) during any of the aforementioned administrations is not imprisoned for what they did or did not do while in those roles or capacities.
Yes, there is usually public opprobrium for poor performance in office. But there is also evidence that those who leave positive legacies end up having good footprints in the sands of time.
In the realm of those who left positive legacies is the likes of Umaru Yar’adua, who is currently being applauded for the electoral reforms that he introduced and which the current administration has been unable to build upon.
Incidentally, President Buhari is a beneficiary of Yar’adua’s positive legacy of reform introduced into the process of elections. That is simply because it would have been impossible for an opposition candidate to have won the presidency in 2015 were it not for the card reader machines and biometric accreditation systems introduced and used for that election.
Furthermore, although the relationship between ex-presidents Obasanjo and Buhari is now frosty, the former is on record as having been the latter’s cheer leader during the 2015 presidential contest. What is more, ex-president Jonathan, who lost power to the incumbent, is now such a big deal to the current president to the extent that he and the party that kicked Jonathan out are being rumored to be considering the former president as the next president when Buhari quits the stage in 2023.
In light of the scenario above, it has been established that there is camaraderie amongst the past and present presidents of Nigeria.
So, if anyone or group of people told President Buhari the lie that his freedom would be in jeopardy when he leaves office, he should make it impossible for the ruling party to be defeated (except he is caught with his fingers in the cookie jar, which is unlikely, as stealing is not one of his vices), he should figure out that they are doing so in pursuit of their personal or group agendas that are not necessarily in the best interest of our beloved country.
And Nigeria is bigger than them.
One clear fact that everybody should be cognizant of is that Nigeria is unlike South Africa, where ex-president Jacob Zuma is currently in jail.
So, contrary to the situation in South Africa, our past presidents appear to be protected and insulated from being sent to the penitentiary for the actions that they took or did not take while in office because there may be an unwritten pact to that effect, just like the rotation of the presidency between the north and south, hashed out during the 1994/5 Abacha-convened constitutional conference.
My guess is that the esprit de corps among current and former presidents not to imprison each other after leaving office was woven or hashed out during council of state meetings that feature ex-heads of government at the center—military and civilians alike.
So, why should President Buhari be frightened, assuming one is correct in the notion that it is one of the underlying reasons for demurring from signing the bill as it was presented with a direct primaries mandate contained in it?
Once again, I would like to crave the indulgence of readers to allow me to share my understanding of President Buhari’s expressed concerns about the electoral act amendment bill, 2021 in his now-famous correspondence with the NASS, one-by-one, with the hope that it might create further illumination on the matter from President Buhari’s optics using the prism of a democracy enthusiast like me.
On the fear of insecurity, my take is that if folks are expected to vote in the general elections, they can vote during direct primaries.
So, although the fear of disenfranchisement of people in the violence-stricken areas is real, the challenge can be dealt with in the same manner it was handled during the 2019 general elections. Why is it suddenly anathema to hold direct primaries in crisis-prone areas and expect to hold general elections in the same place?
On the high cost of conducting the elections, my take is that if the president can authorize the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to commit an estimated N1.3 trillion to intervene in a variety of sectors of the economy, why not make similar investments towards reforming the electoral system, which is the very foundation on which a new Nigeria could be built, as such reforms have the ability and capacity to shift our country from third to the first world, as was the case with Singapore when Lee Luan Yew carried out extensive reforms that literarily overhauled the country.
In a worst-case scenario, the present price tag of N305 billion for the annual budget of INEC could be doubled to accommodate direct primaries and it would still be less than the over one trillion nairas that President Buhari, through the Nigerian National National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), spends on subsidizing fuel pump prices year-on-year.
On the question of whether direct primaries should be applied in shortlisting candidates for political office contests by the parties which Mr. President deems as a possible infraction of some principles of democracy, my take is that given that it is the preference of the critical mass of Nigerians to adopt the direct primaries system that worked for President Buhari in 2015, why not allow it to be incorporated into the statutes book since it has been proven to work better than the current system that is being resented by the electorate to the extent that it has triggered voter apathy?
If you ask me, Mr. President’s non-acceptance of direct primaries (as enshrined in the bill passed by NASS), ostensibly because the rule is undemocratic, would be tantamount to crying more than the bereaved, simply because Nigerians prefer it, as demonstrated by the hue and cry in the polity after he failed to assent to the direct primaries component.
Ideally, the current uproar against his decision to veto the bill should guide Mr. President.
Given the opportunity to choose between removing fuel subsidies and direct primaries, I can wager a bet that Nigerians would choose to forgo fuel subsidies for robust electoral reform. If in doubt, President Buhari should try conducting that referendum as former military president Ibrahim Babangida did with the Structural Adjustment Program, or SAP, which he threw open in July 1986 for public debate by Nigerians before its adoption.
In any case, what do I know?
After all, I am only being patriotic and intellectual on the matter, rather than being politically correct in a system that runs on the currency of selfish and group interests.
Apart from the minister of justice and attorney general of the federation, Abubakar Malami, and INEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu, whom President Buhari acknowledged as those he sought their opinion on the matter, pundits have accused governors of influencing the president’s decision to reject the bill.
Tellingly, governors and legislators had drawn a battle line on who would outwit each other on the question of whether direct primaries should be enshrined in the electoral act in the process of amendment. With President Buhari finally withholding his assent, the leaders of the sub-national entities seem to have triumphed over the legislators.
Uncharacteristically, the governors are appearing to be humble in victory by being reticent since 21/12/2021, when President Buhari communicated his refusal to append his signature to the document that had been subjected to a series of back and forth movements between the upper and lower chambers of NASS.
Does the muteness of the governors suggest that their victory may be pyrrhic? Considering the outrage of Nigerians when they kicked against the expunging of electronic transmission of election results from the polling units to the collation centers, introduced by the lower chamber, but which was watered down by the upper chamber, by basically stripping INEC of its independence, before it was finally restored in the current bill rejected by President Buhari, the legislature should be leaking its wound.
It may be recalled that NASS had transmitted the bill to the president on November 19th with a December 19th (one month long) deadline for him to sign-off on it, or his failure to give consent may be vetoed by NASS by passing the act into law if it feels strongly that a majority of Nigerians are in support of it.
Being a product of a consensus of opinion and therefore the desire of a broad spectrum of Nigerians, the bill truly commands mass appeal.
But the NASS is unlikely to veto President Buhari’s rejection of the bill (as presented) because it is beholden to the presidency, which is another evidence of the general perception of the convergence of the executive, legislative, and judicial arms of government that, in a truly democratic system, are supposed to be independent of each other.
The first and only time that NASS exercised its power of veto since the return of multi-party democracy in Nigeria in 1999 was with the Niger Delta Development Corporation (NDDC) bill under the watch of then-president Olusegun Obasanjo and during the senate presidency of Anyim Pius Anyim.
The NDDC bill only became law after Niger Delta state governors (whose interests were at stake) encouraged their lawmakers in NASS to mobilize the support of their colleagues from other regions in order to garner the 2/3 majority votes of members in both the red and green chambers required to overrule the president by vetoing him.
Today, the reality is different.
Whose overall interest is at stake or who will benefit if the concept of direct primaries is introduced into the statute book? the masses.
Who is supposed to protect their interests? their elected representatives in NASS.
But the passage or otherwise of the Electoral Act Amendment bill is
It is being treated as a family affair by the party at the center, APC, which is clearly monolithic and does not only have control of both the Senate and House of Representatives but also boasts the highest number of governors in the country, so it takes no prisoners.
In broad terms, in the present circumstances, the governors are with the president, so who is on the side of the electorate that would galvanize the legislature into transforming itself from boys to men?
One thing that is curious to me and which has remained a sort of puzzle is that most of the governors allegedly pushing the agenda for indirect primaries that would enable them to continue to control the political parties for which they are basically the piggy banks or Automated Teller Machines, or ATMs, is that most of them are exiting the stage as governors in 2023. With the exception of governor-elect Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra, Godwin Obaseki of Edo, Gboyega Oyetola of Osun, and Abdulahi Sule of Nasarawa states, as well as Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq of Kwara state, not forgetting Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo state and Babagana Umara Zulum, the rest of the governors are completing their second terms in 2023.
So, I am intrigued as to how the current crop of governors will profit from the control of the political parties by the governors that would succeed them.
I’m curious because governors can essentially influence who becomes president, senator, or member of the House of Representatives through indirect primaries.
As most of the current governors are in the terminal stages of their tenure, after which some of them may not make it as the President, Vice President of Nigeria or party chairman, end up as senators, it does not add up that they want to bestow so much power on the governors, a power block that they will be exiting in 2023.
But then, politics and politics are never straightforward calculations.
As such, whatever the agenda may be, hopefully, President Buhari will sign the reworked bill into law early in January after NASS might have extracted the portion that is not acceptable to the president, which to the best of my knowledge is the compulsory conduct of direct primaries by political parties.
It is critically important that the legislators make haste so that the amended electoral act may not become too late to be applied in the fast-approaching 2023 general elections, which is the reason the bill was passed by NASS but not signed into law by President Buhari in 2018.
As things currently stand, the prayer point of all Nigerian men and women of goodwill as we cross over into the new year by God’s grace, should be that the electoral act amendment bill, 2021, would not become an Ogbanje or Abiku in 2022.
Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government, sent this piece from Lagos.
Let’s Fight Insecurity Same Way We Fought COVID-19
In the very popular Bob Marley song: Redemption Song. The lyrics go thus; “how long shall they kill our prophets while we stand aside and look? “
If you substitute the word prophets for masses in the music maestro’s scintillatingly and solemnly rendered lamentation song, he might have been singing about Nigeria of today, even though the music was sung and released in June 1980-some forty years ago.
And the reason the lyrics of the song would resonate in Nigeria is owed to the reality of the fact that a similar circumstance of life at its most horrific level- slavery and colonialism that prompted Marley to sing his song of agony is here with us in Nigeria, the land of our birth which has been transformed into a killing field. Unlike white oppression that Marley was wailing about, the misery is not being brought upon us by external forces. But by our own people with extremist views and therefore at war with society by committing atrocities that debase human lives and demonstrate complete loss of value of life as our country has become a sort of war zone. And this season of weeping and gnashing of teeth has come upon the entire nation like a boar constrictor, that has wrapped its body around its victim and it is squeezing breathe out of him/her, at the same time breaking all the bones in the victim’s body, which by any measure can only be excruciatingly painful and gruesome.
While in Bob Marley’s song he wailed about prophets being killed, the current reality in Nigeria is that the innocent and hard-working masses are being butchered in droves in the past ten (10) years or thereabouts of the malaise being brought upon us.
And it would appear as if the outlaws- terrorists, bandits, known and unknown gunmen are getting bolder in their evil enterprise as they are currently setting their eyes on leaders,(of the political hue) currently being killed by the violent elements.
And the evidence of the ugly phenomenon evolving is the recent assassination of a commissioner/ cabinet member of Katsina state government, Dr. Rabe Nasir Bindawa a fortnight ago. Barely a week after that incident, a lawmaker from Kaduna state, Mr. Rilwanu Gadagau was also murdered by terrorists as he traveled between Kaduna to Zaria. As the festive seasons of Xmas and New Year are now upon us, politicians that have been dwelling in the safety of Abuja would be going back to meet with the long-suffering members of their constituents in their homesteads where intense acts of terrorism, in the dimension of hurly-burly, is being unleashed on the defenseless masses.
In the light of the two recent killings of members of the executive and legislative arms of government in both Katsina and Kaduna states highlighted earlier, it is not beyond the marauding outlaws to seize or kill a governor very soon.
The suspicion that politicians are being targeted is not being made up by me. The Directorate of State Services, DSS recently issued that alert via a press release.
The merchants of death, for lack of a better terminology to characterize them, might have failed in the past attempts to take the lives of professor Babagana Umara Zulum and Mr. Samuel Ortom, both of whom are governors of Borno and Benue states respectively that were attacked in the recent past.
And they only escaped by the whiskers from the dragnets of the bandits now officially branded terrorists by the authorities in Abuja.
But the terrorists are getting bolder.
Having not been able to kidnap or kill a governor or other high ranking politicians by ambush on the road or while attending a public event, as was the case of professor Chukwuma Soludo, governor-elect of Anambra state whose police aides were killed in an attack during his campaign for office and Mr. Hope Uzodinma, governor of lmo state whose country home was recently razed down by arsonists that after his life, they may even soon attack a governor’s lodge or government house in the north or southeast.
The reasoning above is also not far-fetched.
And it is underscored by the fact that if they succeeded in attacking Nigerian Defense Academy, NDA-the premier military training institution in Nigeria that is supposed to be as impregnable as Fort Knox and abducted a serving army major, after killing a couple of other residents, why won’t they attack a government house or governor’s lodge? Terrorists are on record to have also shot down a Nigerian air force fighter jet from which a brave pilot successfully ejected and managed to return safely to base after a search and rescue team scouted the forests for him.
Did someone not reveal that the army paid the terrorists a huge sum of money to retrieve from them, a rocket-propelled weapon that could bring down airplanes?
The military reportedly has been so worried about the suspicion that terrorists possess such a weapon that poses a grave threat to the president and commander in chief of the armed forces of Nigeria who travels frequently on that route to his homestead in Daura, that it paid a huge sum of the money to get the ‘bazooka’ off their hands.
Since the claim was reported in the media, the military has repudiated it. Perhaps because it is inelegant, or it may be a mere ruse. But the suspected development is very disconcerting simply because, as the saying goes, there is no smoke without fire. Also, perception can sometimes become reality.
The Katsina State Governor and Chairman, North West Governors’ Forum, Aminu Bello Masari, who in the face of unbridled killing, raping, and maiming of defenseless and innocent indigenes of his state by terrorists, had advised his compatriots to arm themselves up to defend themselves. Because bearing of a firearm by nonmembers of the armed forces was against the laws of our country, there was a public condemnation of the proposition by the governor who was obviously compelled to float the idea as a reflection of his desperation, to save his people since the armed forces whose duty it is to protect life and property has failed them. Following the renewed onslaught by the outlaws, Masari has again doubled down on his call on citizens to bear arms in self-defense to curb the overwhelming security threat, particularly in northern Nigeria, and which is also rapidly taking hold in southeast Nigeria.
His Sokoto State counterpart, Governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, has also, perhaps arising from a sense of desperation after 23 (by another account, the casualty number is higher ) innocent passengers in a transport bus were shot by terrorists and set ablaze inside the bus in which they were traveling, also told a delegation of security apparatchik from the presidency that government should bring back South African mercenaries, who former President Goodluck Jonathan had contracted to flush out Boko Haram
insurgents from their Sambisa forest base, where they first made their home.
In the same bid to combat terrorism, but from a different perspective, Kano
State governor, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, who has identified reserved forests in the northern part of the country as home to the criminal elements, also called for the reclaiming of forests by governments through what he characterized as full ownership. The Kano governor’s proposition about taking over forests is in tandem with the sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Saad Abubakar’s suggestion that the military should make deliberate efforts to occupy all the forests so that they would cease to be a haven for terrorists. And that position reinforces my plea in a previous media intervention that all forests should be converted to farms not only for the purpose of preventing terrorists from converting them to their abodes but also as a verifiable source of food for the masses through active cultivation of the wild forests as farms to feed the nation.
Not many of us consider taking ownership of the forests from the prism of its playing the dual purpose of solving the problem of insecurity and at the same time taking care of another critically important challenge-food insecurity, which is a corollary to the scourge of insecurity of lives and properties afflicting a critical mass of Nigerians.
Here is how l made the case in an article titled “Pastoralists and Farmers’ Conflicts in Nigeria: Time for Fulani Capitalism, Not Herdsmen Terrorism” which l wrote and published widely in the mass media on February 15, 2021, by Vanguard and other platforms.
“Before proceeding to the nitty-gritty, permit me to introduce you to the concept of Fulani-Capitalism, which is a variant of AfriCapitalism – a pseudo or hybrid business/social investment model being promoted by Tony Elumelu, chairman of Heirs Holdings.
As earlier stated, the underpinning philosophy behind Fulani- Capitalism is similar to the raison d’être for Africapitalism, which is the creation of job opportunities for Africans by Africans in ways that the host communities of the business are not exploited but empowered by the presence of the corporate entity – A sort of symbiotic relationship
between entrepreneurs and host communities.
Fulani-Capitalism is conceptualized to catalyze and drive the
concept of cattle ranching to discourage or displace the current nomadic practice of animal husbandry. It is so named because it is the Fulani that is undeniably, inherently the predominant pastoralists in Nigeria.
The whole idea is to overtly or covertly persuade the well-heeled or deep pocket Fulani men and women to strategically invest in ranches to facilitate the change of the lifestyle of the nomadic herdsmen and offer them more reliable as well as better return on their investments and efforts.
Given the strategic role that cattle ranches, (as opposed to nomadic animal husbandry) can play in stemming the ugly side of human carnage arising from herdsmen killings, investing in ranches (confining animal husbandry within a farming space) by successful men/women of Fulani extraction needs no further elucidation because it is both a social and economic investment.
By this, I mean that rather than wait for the government to set up ranches, Fulani men and women of means (who are in their legions) should make deliberate and conscious effort to invest in ranches, which would serve as sanctuaries for cows and those who tend them because it is financially rewarding.
Aside from the financial returns, it would serve as a veritable means for safeguarding the livelihood of their people whose mainstay is animal husbandry, and which they are still practicing in the same nomadic and primitive manners that their forebears did centuries ago and now constituting a threat to peace and security.
So far, the balance of loss of human lives is in favor of the herdsmen who are rampaging all over the country, particularly the Sahel and plateau (for their green pastures) and leaving sorrow,
blood, and grief in their trail. But the first mover advantage which the herdsmen are currently enjoying would not be perpetual, if and when their victims begin to fight back.
In light of the frightening prospect of the conflict escalating to unimaginable proportions, how do we avert what seems like an inevitability if the killings by herdsmen go on unabated? I’m convinced that Nigeria can move from the current state of chaos to community through a strategy of shared social investments. That’s assuming we are ready to change how animal husbandry is practiced by leveraging science, technology, and capitalism.”
It is rather heartening that northern states governors seem to be paying attention and taking my advice to heart by establishing or being in the process of establishing ranches as recommended which is why herdsmen-farmers bloody clashes have somehow abated lately.
Hopefully, taking full ownership of the forests would entail inviting not only South African mercenaries to combat the criminal elements, as Tambuwal has demanded, but also South African, Zimbabwean, Brazilian, and even Israeli farmers (Muslims in UAE are partnering with Israeli tech experts in Jebel Ali port) to convert the forests into farms to take care of the growing food insecurity also ravaging the masses in our country.
It is rather intriguing that barely a decade after the violent resistance to authorities by religious extremists led by the late Boko Haram leader, Mohammed Yusuf somewhere around Maiduguri, Borno state, northeast Nigeria, the religious insurgency has like a malignant tumor metastasized into unmanageable cancer which is gnawing not only at the core of the northern region where it was originally confined; but also the eastern part of our country that has also lately assumed the nature of a cauldron of sorts. And the violence in the South Eastern flank of the country driven by secessionism is also exacting a high death toll. Alarmingly, it is also aping the pattern in the north, as separatism has degenerated into sundry criminal activities by known and unknown gunmen crippling the southeast region which it is holding by the jugular.
Considering the persistent scourge of murdering of traditional rulers in cold blood (which l understand is a sort of reprisal against them for betraying their members to security forces) in addition to the assassination of prominent figures ostensibly for defying the separatist’s rules, culminating in the dastardly act of beheading two active-duty policemen, and touching of police stations as well as similar government infrastructure and facilities like INEC office; the eastern part of our country has invariably become the hotbed of anarchy of unprecedented dimensions, except for the period of the civil war (1967-70.)
At this juncture, it is worth pointing out that escalation of violence in the north via Boko Haram, mimics the trajectory of the Niger delta militancy which degenerated after authorities failed to invite for negotiations, the intellectual and genuine environmental rights agitators such as Ken Saro-Wiwa. Rather than dialogue, he has executed alongside other Ogoni leaders as felons.
Similarly, instead of having a conversation with the leader of Boko Haram whose members reportedly refused to comply with the state government’s directive to wear helmets for their own safety while riding motorbikes, he was allegedly murdered by the authorities, setting off an armed revolution threatening to overwhelm not only that of the north but entire the country. And the current resort to the use of force instead of negotiating with the nation of Biafra agitators like Nnamdi Kanu, and Oduduwa nation proponent, Sunday Igboho; the current occupants of Aso Rock Villa seat of power seem to be treading the same path of perdition trodden by past leaders through resort to brute military force as their preferred crisis management tool, as opposed to applying the instrumentality of negotiated settlement.
Taking all the listed mayhem and human carnage in our country together, it is clear that the masses and our leaders at the subnational level have reasons to have lost faith in the ability of the military to protect them because, as a nation, we appear to be losing the war to the terrorists and secessionists. If nothing else, the twin demons have attracted opprobrium, locally and internationally to our country as we have been besmirched by the ugly news of mindless killings and the concomitant human rights abuses.
And nothing reflects the rapid erosion of the confidence of the masses in the ability of the military to win the war against the terrorists, more than the fact that citizens have accepted to be paying tax to terrorists that have become more brazen by hoisting their flags, (not just in far-flung locations in the forests) in locations as close as Niger and Nasarawa states, all of which are adjacent or contiguous to the Federal Capital Territory, FCT- Abuja.
Again, this is not made up by me but based on public complaints by victims and the admission by the state governments in statements available in the open media space.
That a de facto government set up by outlaws is demanding loyalty from indigenes and receiving the same with full compliance from our fellow compatriots who are reportedly being treated like prisoners of war, is an existential reality that is very unnerving.
Obviously, the Nigerians being oppressed in those locations, perhaps feel better off than those in internally Displaced Peoples, IDP camps, or in their early graves for failure to comply with the terrorists.
Put succinctly, there is the rule of the bandits in the captured areas instead of rule of law in the cities, probably yet to fall to the arsonists, if action through a different and aggressive approach is not adopted sooner than later.
Now, before our beloved country’s degeneration into what looks like an active war theatre, Nigerians were regaled with the allegations that the funds (to be precise $1.2b) meant to have been applied in purchasing arms and ammunition to fight Boko haram was converted into campaign slush funds by the National Security Adviser, NSA to the former president, Col Sambo Dasuki for the re-election of the former ruling party, PDP, hence our military was ill-equipped to successfully take on and defeat Boko insurgents. The impression was created that, as soon as the requisite strategic weapons were acquired, the terrorists would be wiped out.
But six years into the eight years tenure of the regime that defeated the one that allegedly misappropriated the funds budgeted for the procurement of weapons to defeat the terrorists, our military has not been able to flush out the increasingly menacing terrorists to justify the huge sums of money that have recently been invested in the acquisition of sophisticated weaponry, including hardware like the super Tucano jet bombers, that have been deployed without changing the game in any significant way? That to me suggests that lack of weapons may not be the overarching reason for our country’s inability to defeat religious insurgents and separatists. To demonstrate how super-equipped the military has become, it should be noted that some armaments which Western countries had initially resisted selling to Nigeria’s military for fear that they may be used to perpetrate human rights abuses have now been made accessible to them. Yet insecurity has not abated. Rather our country has witnessed an upsurge in a bloodbath that has made the earth around the country crimson by the blood of the innocent Nigerians being murdered on a daily basis.
What this dire situation suggests to me is that the failure to succeed in preventing the raging religious insurgency that started about 2009/10 which is about ten (10) years ago and has like a vicious virus mutated into variants, does not stem from a lack of military weapons, as politicians would like the masses to believe. And it is neither a fall out of the weather-induced arid condition in the Sahel that has made competition for land for farmers and herders more fierce; not even the inflow of small weapons from failed states like Libya, Mali, Somalia, etc, which authorities allude to. All of the identified factors are simply symptoms of the challenge. But the real problem is the lack of robust and broad-minded strategy by authorities to tackle the identified multiple challenges earlier highlighted.
Simply put, our country’s political leadership has been too narrowed minded in tackling insecurity where it should have been broad-minded hence the military has had feet of clay.
It is important to keep in mind that l am not dwelling on the forgoing historical facts to spite the government in power or shame and diminish the military.
But my intention is to remind us of where we are coming from on the seemingly intractable crisis of insecurity that has engulfed our country like a wildfire in harmattan. Rather, I’m seeking to put the causative situation into perspective with a view to plotting the way forward through the creation and deployment of new strategies to win the war against terrorism.
In my view, it is about time we as a nation pivoted the apparently intractable crisis of insecurity that has obviously overwhelmed the military and government from the exclusive realm of politicians who are weaponizing it, (as reflected by the trading of blames between the current ruling and former ruling parties, APC and PDP) in the last decade to a multi-prong, multi-sectoral and departmental effort involving both military and nonmilitary expertise.
Already, the military has co-opted vigilante groups into its operations like civilian JTF very active in the north and civil defense formations such as Amotekun covering the southwest states and EbubeAgu in the southeast states evolving around the country. But it appears to me as if they are just being used for guard jobs and perhaps inadvertently as cannon fodders, particularly around the numerous IDP camps in the north.
And they have suffered a significant number of fatalities which may be unsustainable for a longer period.
Another group that has been co-opted by the military is hunters.
They too have basically served as a compass for the military in the forests where hunters are more at home owing to the knowledge acquired in the course of their hunting expeditions.
Again, l have tried to give context to the effort that the military has made in expanding the execution of the war against terrorism beyond its horizon, in order to prove that it recognizes that it has been overwhelmed by the dynamic shapes and forms in which the war on terrorism has evolved over the past decade. Again, the aim is to validate the need to expand the scope of the government agencies and departments engaged in the war that has turned out to be the greatest threat to the continued corporate existence of our country, from solely a public sector function into a public/private sector challenge which it truly is.
After all, is it not often said by top Security functionaries that security is not the duty of government alone?
At a recent lecture held in commemoration of the 60th birthday of Akin Osuntokun, (who fits the textbook definition of a public intellectual) titled: Consistency In Public Intellectual Advocacy: A Nigerian Case Study” which was delivered by Rueben Abati, a Thisday newspaper columnist and Arise, tv anchor, professor Anya O Anya,
an erudite scholar and one-time chairman of Nigerian Economic Summit Group, NESG, a man who has profound knowledge of what is wrong with Nigeria, in his contribution to the discussion pointed out that we have as a nation passed the stage of blaming our leaders for our woes. According to him, what we should be doing right now is to ask: what do we do?
I align with the elder statesman’s position.
Indeed, we as a people can do something by setting up a task force with a specific mandate to end insecurity in the country in the manner that the presidential Task Force to end the COVID-19 pandemic was set up in 2019 by President Buhari and headed by Boss Mustafa, Secretary to the government of the federation with active participation by the private sector, and driven by the Central Bank of Nigeria under the leadership of the governor, Godwin Emefiele.
It needs no repeating that the founding of CACOVID, a coalition of captains of industry or club of multi-billionaires who injected not only billions of naira in funding but also came up with strategies and implementation methodologies in the fight against COVID-19, contributed a great deal in stemming the spread of the deadly disease that has been on rampage globally in the two years.
It is still puzzling to experts in the Western world like Mrs. Melinda Gates who had predicted that Nigerians would be dying on the streets like house flies from COVID-19 complications. But less than 3,000 lives have been lost in Nigeria to the pandemic in the nearly two years of its ruinous siege on humanity.
If you compare that paltry number (every life lost is one too many) to about a million lives lost to the same disease in the same period in the USA with an estimated population of about 320 million as against Nigeria’s 200 million where less than 3,000 died; it would be clear that the public, private sector partnership CACOVID was indeed an efficacious intervention responsible, in part, for substantially reducing the negative impact of Covid-19 in Nigeria.
There may be a need and justification for the current standing COVID-19 public /private sector Task Force to be transformed into a National Security Task Force to address the twin monster of terrorism and secessionism that have the capacity to and is fast ripping our country apart. In the United States of America, USA there is a law called the Patriot Act which empowers the government to compel corporations to yield or their facilities towards producing war armaments. The law was recently invoked to fight the COVID-19 pandemic by former President Donald Trump. Although that is not what l am advocating, corporate Nigeria had voluntarily yielded their financial resources towards the battle against the covid-19 pandemic here.
Without a doubt, the CACOVID team is not only a collection of billionaires but also a formidable repository of the best strategists in Nigeria. They may not be a repository of military skills, but war is about strategies and successful businessmen/women are basically proven strategists, hence they are able to come into the humongous wealth that they control. While the military prosecutes the war, the CACOVID team of wise men/women can look at other ways (including negotiations) of restoring sanity and sanctity into our beleaguered polity and highly distressed society.
It is a plus that private sector involvement in security is not novel in Nigeria.
Lagos state government partnership with the private sector, (especially the financial services sector) to enforce security in the bustling city of Lagos, is instructive. It is therefore a model that could be adopted because it is largely responsible for the relatively high level of security of lives and properties from terrorists and bandits in the state-a reason Lagos seems to be insulated from the current bedlam.
Now, if the COVID-19 pandemic posed enough threat to lives such that it warranted the setting up of CACOVID to mitigate the risk to human capital, (essential for the sustenance of businesses) then insecurity of lives and properties that would constrain growth and also hobble the inflow of foreign direct investment that could have a direct negative impact on the fortunes of the billionaire club members; must be a compelling reason for the team that made CACOVID a game-changer in the war against COVID-19 pandemic, to join in the war against insecurity that has driven our country to the point of tipping her over, unless extraordinary measures are adopted.
I am not unaware that the private sector may loathe the idea of being involved in such a highly combustible matter of joining in the fight to save our country from collapse owing to the onslaught of religious insurgents and secessionists? Whereas the concern that corporate sector involvement in national security has the tendency to trigger negative backlash which may be consequential to brand image is real, the potential benefits of winning the peace in our country, in the long run, outweigh the risk.
Comparatively, helping to save lives through strategic interventions via the contribution of financial resources and strategy which CACOVID is about, is less contentious because it would rub off positively on the brand simply because doing good can be categorized as a cause-related marketing strategy which evinces empathy that can be converted into brand love and loyalty.
Nevertheless, some situation requires that leaders sometimes make conscious efforts to think out of the box by choosing the road less traveled.
Helping save the country is one of the hard choices that the corporate world or club of billionaires would have to make. And choosing to save their businesses which would not thrive in an atmosphere of anarchy that our country is fast descending, is clearly one of those difficult, but necessary choices that they must make.
Again, it is apropos to reiterate that this call for private sector involvement in what is traditionally the purview of the military is not meant to be an indictment on our courageous men/ women in uniform that have acquitted themselves creditably in multiple local and international war theaters. And it is expected by human nature that the initial reflex of the military may be unwillingness or reluctance to share their constitutionally assigned role with ‘bloody civilians’ as soldiers like to refer to us fewer mortals.
But as it takes courage to make changes, ego or what some would characterize as foolish pride, and which l would like to refer to as profitless pride, the military has to accept to share space in a multi-agency and multi-sectoral partnership to save our dear country.
The assertion above is underscored by the fact that we live in strange times. So we need to introduce extraordinary measures to triumph over certain obstacles.
The simple truth is that the private sector can no longer afford to take a laid-back approach to the challenge of insecurity wracking our country, so it must take action to save Nigerians and thus protect itself-businesses.
With the foregoing narrative which is meant to shine a light on the state of the nation, in terms of security, l expect that by now we would all ( politicians, military, and captains of industry) be on the same page on this matter of terrorism, secessionism, and criminality threatening to rip our beloved country apart.
Hopefully, it would be a new year’s gift to Nigerians when the critical stakeholders highlighted earlier join in the struggle to pull our country back from the brinks.
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, an alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
Negotiation As Antidote To Epidemic Of Separatism ln Nigeria.
It is what was said and not said by the attorney general of the federation and minister of justice, Abubakar Malami to journalists at a press conference held on November 9 in Abuja that first indicated to me that the ice in the frosty relationship between the Igbo and Yoruba nationalities with respect to separatist agitations and the government at the center with president Mohammadu Buhari at the helm is about to thaw. l second-guessed Malami when in response to a reporter’s question about the possibility of a political solution to federal government’s prosecution of Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday lgboho, he stated that a negotiated settlement for the unshackling of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB leader, and Oduduwa nation movement leader, was not off the table.
Without being combative, the minister of justice took time to paint the conditions precedent to such settlement.
“So, it is not a conclusion that one can outrightly make without juxtaposing associated facts relating to the reconciliation; there has to be an approach and then a counter consideration.”
It is a no brainer to figure out that ‘the approach’ that Malami was hinting at is the subsequent visit by the high profile lgbo elders, politicians, and cultural leaders as well as the clergy to president Mohammadu Buhari in Aso Rock Villa on Friday, November 19, 2021, which is about 10 days after.
It is also needles pointing out that at that stage, both the expressed and unexpressed views of the minister of justice at the Wednesday press conference confirmed my haunch that it had been concluded that a political settlement of the political storm arising from the crisis of separatism rocking our country, was ipso facto.
Everything else is a mere formality.
Ostensibly, the impending resolution is owed to entreaties from leaders from the Igbo and Yoruba nations. But in reality, it may actually be influenced by leaders in the international communities who always use back channels and side meetings during global conferences to press fellow leaders to uphold certain democratic norms and ethos such as the universally acknowledged right of self-determination by individuals or groups.
The peace emissary branded as “Highly Respected Igbo Greats”, led by 93 years old Amaechi Mbazuluike, minister of Aviation in the first republic and ex parliamentarian, along with ex Anambra state governor, Chukwuemeka Ezeife, as well as Goddy Uwazuruike, a former president of Ala Ikenga, (an Igbo cultural group) plus Sunday Onuoha of the Methodist church and Tagbo Amaechi, was weighty enough to soften president Buhari’s heart to the extent that he has promised to do what he has informed Nigerians that he had not done in his six years of stewardship as President of our great country.
Here is how President Buhari couched his willingness to do the ‘unusual’ for peace to reign by freeing Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Igboho:
“You have made an extremely difficult demand on me as the leader of this country. The implication of your request is very serious.
In the last six years, since I became president, nobody would say I have confronted or interfered in the work of the judiciary. God has spared you and give you a clear head at this age, with a very sharp memory. A lot of people half your age are confused already.
But the demand you made is heavy. I will consider it.”
In my calculation, the visit and president Buhari’s response signal the beginning of the end of incarceration of Nnamdi Kanu and perhaps Sunday Igboho, both of whom have been declared the enemy of the country for their alleged roles as catalysts for the destabilizing and debilitating activities of angry Nigerians currently threatening the unity of our dear country.
And the current rapprochement which heralds the era of dialogue with, and between all the member ethnic nationalities that make up Nigeria has the potentials to ultimately foster an atmosphere of inclusiveness which is the indisputable panacea to the current ethnic and religious crisis occasioned by the alleged exclusion from the governance of, or canceling out of nonmembers of the ethnic origin and religious belief of the present occupants of Aso Rock Villa which is a concern that has pushed our country to the precipice.
Given that president Buhari has been hobnobbing with fellow heads of governments in the course of attending a plethora of international events held overseas: ranging from the United Nations Climate submit (with all the major presidents and prime ministers in attendance) in Glasgow, Scotland from October 31; which was after he had attended an investment summit organized by Future Investment Initiative institute in Saudi Arabia on October 25 within the same period of which mr president Buhari had also attended the Parish Peace Forum held in Paris, France from November 11, before participating in the Intra African Trade Fair that took place in Durban, South Africa from November 15: it won’t surprise me if he gave positive listening ears to his colleagues.
All of the above-frenzied engagements abroad were crowned by the visit of the United States Secretary of State, Anthony Bliken to Aso Rock Villa on Thursday 18 November.
Curiously, the aforementioned flurry of diplomatic and international trade engagements by president Buhari happened between October 31 -November 19 when “The Highly Respected Igbo Greats” went on the peace mission to Aso Rock Villa.
Instinctively, my training in diplomacy has led me to believe that President Buhari’s colleagues across the globe must have weighed in with one or two words of advice with respect to how his administration could make some concessions by allowing the separatist agitator’s crisis to be settled politically with the aim of lowering the prevailing hyperactive political temperature in Nigeria especially as the country approaches the next election circle in 2023.
In case anyone is at sea as to why the world would be investing efforts to ensure that peace reigns in Nigerians, such persons should be apprised of the fact there one in 5 Africans is a Nigerian. In the event that there is an outbreak of war in Nigeria, refugees from Nigeria would overwhelm the continent.
That is one of the justifications for the global concern about the state of peace in Nigeria.
In doing what diplomats know how to do best, Nigerian foreign policy technocrats, with the chief of staff to the president, Ibrahim Gambari, a veteran diplomat as the arrowhead, must have also sought and extracted some concessions from the concerned global leaders and friends of Nigeria seeking a political solution to the crisis.
And the removal of Nigeria from the list of religious freedom violators by the US may be one of such quid pro quo. Let’s be clear. There is nothing untoward about the action if indeed that is the case simply because such practice is the norm in the world of diplomacy.
Now, for too long, authorities in Aso Rock Villa have failed by omission or commission to apply the democratic ethos of accommodating dissenting voices and application of the concept of negotiation in conflict resolution which is a proven and invaluable tool for effective leadership in both public and private sectors.
Although it has proven to be an efficacious process for resolving conflicts since the evolution of mankind from savagery to civility, our country’s leaders seemed to have been impervious to the positive attributes associated with negotiations, hence the agitations from the easterners for a renegotiation of their membership of the Nigerian union seemed to have been falling on deaf ears, with avoidable catastrophic consequences.
While it is true that a secessionist clause that could have made it constitutionally lawful for the Igbo nation or any other ethnic nationalities to seek to separate from Nigeria is not in the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria, (as amended) because leaders of the three ethnic nationalities, Igbo, Yoruba, and Hausa/Fulani had rejected the inclusion of the clause at different points when the Nigerian nation was being formed, other avenues or windows for negotiating the continued unity of the multiple ethnic groups that constitute our country have always existed.
But our political leaders since the return of multi-party democracy, after the unfortunate military incursion into political leadership in 1966, and the jettisoning of parliamentary system of government bequeathed to us by the British colonialists, (following the adoption of American style presidential system of government in 1979) have failed to emulate the premiers of the regions in the first republic-Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Amadu Bello and Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe who held regular conferences to iron out their differences whenever any source or sources of conflict were identified.
It may be recalled that it was during such meetings that each leader on different occasions proposed the inclusion of referendum or separatist clause in the statutes book and their counterparts opposed the proposal depending on the optics of the various ethnic nationalities at different points in time, on the viability of Nigeria as an entity.
Based on historical records, the list of those that proposed or opposed the inclusion of freedom of any of the four regions that make up our country from withdrawing their membership of the Nigerian nation range from eastern region premier, Micheal Okpara, Anthony Enahoro of
Midwest, the western region premier, Obafemi Awolowo, as well as northern region premier, Ahmadu Bello. For lack of space and time l would not bore readers with the details. Nevertheless, to buttress the case that l am trying to make, it is apropos that l share the following quotes attributed to our political leaders at the formative stage of our country to validate the truism that the founding fathers of our country also had doubts about the viability of our country at its infancy.
Sir Tafawa Balewa, who later became the
Prime Minister of Nigeria was recorded in historical archives as having made the following statement before Nigeria was granted independence by the colonialist:
“Since the amalgamation of Southern and Northern Provinces in 1914, Nigeria has existed as One Country only on paper, it is still far from being united. Nigeria’s Unity is only a British intention for the country.”
Similarly, the man who became western region premier, Chief Obafemi Awolowo also has the following statement contained in his 1947 book attributed to him:
“Nigeria is not a nation, it is a mere geographical expression. There are no “Nigerians” in the same sense as there are “English” or “Welsh” or “French”. The word Nigeria is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not.”
The above comments credited to two of Nigeria’s revered leaders of yore attest to their initial skepticism about the feasibility of Nigeria as one united country after the amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates of British colonies in 1914.
You can imagine if the British colonial authorities clobbered on the head our now revered and iconic leaders, Balewa and Awolowo for expressing antagonistic sentiments about their unilateral merger of the northern and southern protectorates with disparate cultures and distinct religions, as authorities in Abuja are currently doing to both Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday lgboho who are patently fighting for the rights of their people for self-determination.
The reality is that those that we hold dear as our heroes past as portrayed in our national anthem would not have been able to secure Nigeria,s independence in 1960 if the politicians (our forebears that we idolize today)had not been outspoken about the desire to be free from the clutches of the colonialist and if the colonialist was not forbearing.
Put succinctly, the above de-amalgamation sentiments expressed by our past leaders underscore the fact that before the advent of modern-day advocates of separatism such as Nnamdi Kanu of IPOB in Igbo land and Sunday lgboho, driving the movement for the creation of Oduduwa Nation in Yoruba land, our past leaders also resented the concept of one Nigeria as forged by Fredrick luggard, (the British merchant that metamorphosed into an agent of imperialist Britain) after he sold to Queen Elizabeth’s government the ‘smart’ idea of merging both northern and southern protectorates for the selfish mercantile interest of the European country.
It also underscores the inalienable rights rooted in the natural instinct for a people or nationalities to express dissent when they are not comfortable with an existing arrangement as is currently the case with the Igbos and the Yorubas whose dissatisfaction with the present circumstances of their existence in Nigeria, is being conveyed by Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Igbo on behalf of their respective ethnic nationalities.
But unfortunately, authorities always hate such good people -perhaps, justifiably owing to their ability and capacity to disrupt the status quo and make leaders uncomfortable. That is the space in which Kanu and lgboho find themselves today.
Contrary to the de-amalgamation sentiments expressed by both northern and western premiers, Tafawa Balewa and Obafemi Awolowo, as earlier highlighted, Nnamdi Azikiwe, an Igbo centrist took the following unique and contrary position to that of his colleagues.
He is credited with the following comment:
“In my personal opinion, there is no sense in the North breaking away or the East or the West breaking away; it would be better if all the regions would address themselves to the task of crystallizing common nationality, irrespective of the extraneous influences at work.
What history has joined together let no man put asunder”
Strangely, the Igbo leader, Dr.Nnamdi Azikiwe, who later became the governor-general of Nigeria and a peer of the Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba leaders, Tafawa Balewa and Obafemi Awolowo, proposed the inclusion of secession clause in the constitution during the formative stages of our country which he opposed, appear now to be the architect of the misfortune of his people- the Igbos that have been struggling to exit Nigeria also known as BIA-EXIT.
Isn’t it such a paradox that it is that decision to reject the introduction of a separatist clause in the statute book by Azikiwe back in 1953 that has turned around to hurt his people-the Igbo nation that has been seeking ways to decouple itself from Nigeria by force as was the case in 1967 when it tried to secede but failed to achieve the objective after it was defeated in the ensuing war? And it is blithe on our country’s democracy credentials that the quest to secede has remained a burning desire that is still being nursed by the Igbos after over fifty years since the unfortunate civil war ended, through the platform of both MASSOB and IPOB in non-violent ways.
Incidentally, it is the non-violence claim of lPOB in pushing their agenda that has been disputed by the authorities in Abuja, hence the proscription of the separatist group and incarceration of its members, including their leader, Nnamdi Kanu, captured in Kenya and brought to Nigeria for trial and which is the reason that the “Highly Respected Igbo Greats“ stormed Aso Rock Villa intent on softening president Buhari’s heart in the bid to get him to (as it were) temper justice with mercy by releasing Kanu from jail unconditionally. Presumably, a similar amnesty would be extended to Sunday lgboho, the convener of the Oduduwa nation movement that is also being held in jail in the Republic of Benin at the behest of the federal republic of Nigeria.
Now, l have engaged in the forgoing literature review, not for the heck of it, but to put in perspective, the epidemic of separatism currently haunting Nigeria like a demonic specter.
Clearly, what is currently acutely absent in our political ecosystem is the ability and capacity of our leaders to lead by consensus as opposed to the application of force as reflected by the might is right or take it or leave it mentality of our modern day political demagogues.
That is quite the opposite of the way and manner that our past leaders- Nnamdi Azikiwe, Tafawa Balewa, and Obafemi Awolowo managed our diversity through conferences during which they negotiated the partnership between the multiple ethnic nationalities with each of them tabling their issues for deliberations during the conferences held on short intervals before the military incursion into politics that originated from the 1966 military putsch.
Apart from the suspension of the constitution which the advent of the involvement of the military in the political affairs of our country foisted, the mantra ‘unity of Nigeria is not negotiable is the other mortal blow that the military imposed on the nation. How can an agreement or union not be negotiable?
In an opinion piece that l wrote and published in the mass media and by daily independent on July 14, 2017, titled ”Biafra: From Monologue To Dialogue And Getting To Yes“, l extolled the virtues intrinsic in the art of negotiation, and expressed delight that the authorities have commenced negotiations with MASSOB and IPOB which indicate that the crisis has shifted from Monologue by the separatists via civil disobedience and diatribe to Dialogue in the form of direct or back-channel negotiations with the agitators by the authorities in Aso Rock Villa.
But that optimistic viewpoint turned out to be a false hope as the signs that l had sighted and presumed were positive, manifested as a mere mirage.
To my pleasant surprise, a similar world view which is that: “the unity of Nigeria is negotiable” was expressed recently during The Sun newspaper MAN OF THE YEAR AWARD by one of Nigeria’s seasoned administrators, and diplomat, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, MKO Abiola’s running mate as Vice President, who is also ex-secretary to the government of the federation under the watch of late Umar Yar’adua as president. Since he is also one of the powers behind president Buhari’s throne, l am optimistic that the world view that Nigerian’s unity is negotiable may now be radiating around Aso Rock Villa’s presidential seat of power.
Not many people realize that it is the seemingly innocuous mantra: ‘ Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable’ often vaunted by successive occupants of Aso Rock Villa that is responsible for the instability wracking the political system and insecurity wrecking lives and properties with the ferocity of a bull in a China shop.
An Italian friend of mine once remarked in halting English: “spaghetti strong, spaghetti break.”
The import of that wise counsel is not lost on me as it implies that anything that is unbendable is susceptible to being broken and it is a culture or lesson that Aso Rock Villa has been slow in imbibing.
Nevertheless, as the conventional wisdom goes: it is better late than be late.
In the wake of the flare-up of hostilities between Southern governors forum and their northern counterparts via the release of incendiary communique by both sides, with the southern governors threatening that the presidency must return to the south in 2023 based on the presidency rotation agreement, and the northern governors countering by claiming that the rotation of presidency is alien to the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria as amended, l wrote the article titled “After Northern And Southern Governors Butting Of Heads, What Next?”
It was first published in the mass media and on October 7, 2021, by TheCableOnline.
I would like to crave the reader’s indulgence to allow me to republish an excerpt that drives home the point that l am still trying to make via this intervention.
“Today, the logos that are pressing for referendum via Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, are prohibited by the authorities from doing so. That is ostensible because there is no constitutional backing for separatism and the current Aso Rock Villa occupants have zero tolerance for such agitations.
The beauty of governance under the parliamentary system which the British practice and bequeathed to Nigeria upon independence is that whenever any party to the union was uncomfortable with any rule or condition guiding the partnership, the concerns were ironed out during conferences that were held in Ibadan, Enugu, and Kaduna.
So in the good old days, the unity of Nigeria was negotiated by the leaders of the east, north, and west, later mid-west and our country did not break up. That is in stark contrast with the current dispensation whereby the mantra: the unity of Nigeria is not negotiable, is oft-touted by the powers that be in Aso Rock Villa. The simple rule of the thump about partnerships and marriages is that if they can not be negotiated, they would ultimately be broken.
The unfortunate civil war of 1967-70 with its horrific consequences ingrained in our memories is likely the driver for the mindset of Aso Rock Villa that the unity of Nigeria is not negotiable.
But as genuine as the desire to keep Nigeria as one indivisible entity is, it appears to me that the ineffectual and ineffective proclamation by the leaders in Aso Rock Villa that Nigeria’s unity is not negotiable may be doing more harm than good to “The labors of our heroes past…” which may end up being in vain if peradventure our country unhinges.”
I went on to add that if a referendum was called today, l am of the conviction that most Nigerians would opt to remain in Nigeria if equity and justice are restored through the observance of federal character principle-a unifying policy enshrined in the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria.
Presumably, it is likely that it is the acquiescence of Aso Rock Villa apparatchiks with the reasonable sense in that opinion piece that might have in one way or the other also pricked the conscience of those in the orbit of power and therefore one of the motivating factors for the softening of president Buhari’s heart towards the separatists as reflected by his resolve to apply a less military approach to the resolution of the conflict, which is autocratic, and instead rely more on negotiation-democracy’s prime and most efficacious tool for settling disputes.
If president Buhari unshackles, Nnamdi Kanu, and Sunday Igboho, (as he appears set to do) and thereafter brings IPOB and Oduduwa nation agitators to the round table for negotiation, he would have neutralized the highly toxic relationship between ethnic nationalities that have wreaked unprecedented havoc on the nation and severely damaged the fabric of unity in our beloved country.
What is more: if the gale of separatism is stymied, President Buhari would be listed as a warrior for peace alongside the president, Umar Yar’adua of blessed memory who reigned from 2007-2010, (during which period he literarily quenched the fire in the Niger delta made worst by his predecessors-Sani Abacha and Olusegun Obasanjo who had applied brute force in the management of the conflict) by offering amnesty to militants in the region who had made it extremely difficult for oil/gas exploration to happen in the region which is the treasure trove of Nigeria.
It may be recalled that violence in the region characterized by vandalism of oil/gas infrastructure and kidnappings of oil workers was triggered by the rejection of their demand for the respect of their environmental rights and control of the resources in their region that is ravaged by oil/gas exploration activities.
Their demand had fallen on the deaf ears of the federal government which resorted to the application of military action against the agitators. As if history keeps repeating itself, it is unfortunate that the adoption of military jackboot or slash and burn approach instead of negotiation has also been the attitude of the present government in the instant case, featuring IPOB and Oduduwa nation separatist movements.
In conclusion, as an encouragement to president Buhari and perhaps to hasten his decision to free Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday lgboho, he should adopt or mimic the good initiative of the former president of South Africa under an apartheid regime, late Frederick de-Clerk, who is a rare and noble gesture, freed the iconic Nelson Mandela from prison where he was serving a jail term for fighting for the end of apartheid which is white minority rule over a black majority in South Africa-a practice that has gone down in history as man’s greatest inhumanity to man.
As Nigeria is now on the cusp of an end to the scourge of separatism ravaging the nation, evidenced by the recent accommodating utterance by president Buhari in response to the request by “The Highly Respected Igbo Greats” the good old tool of negotiation preferred by diplomats for settling conflicts, holds the ace as it has proven over the years to trump the tyrannical resort to the use of barrels of gun preferred in the autocracy of which Nigeria is not one.
As President Buhari prepares for his exit from
Aso Rock Villa in 2023, restoring peace and unity in Nigeria in the 11th hour of his reign by freeing the leaders of the separatist groups, Kanu and lgboho along with their followers would be another feather on his cap. It would be on top of the accolades that the outgoing president is already earning for making it possible for the amendment of the electoral laws allowing for the transmission of election results by INEC electronically.
Expectedly, all eyes are currently on Mr president as the nation awaits the official signing of the amended electoral bill 2021 into law.
It is doubtless that it is another way that president Buhari would be leaving a positive legacy on the electioneering process in our country where integrity in the system has improved after his second term election in 2019 as reflected by the fidelity of the results of Edo (Sept.2020)and Anambra (Nov. 2021) states gubernatorial contests adjudged to have been conducted by INEC leveraging innovative and technology-driven systems.
Like the proverbial Oliver Twist that wants more, Nigerians await the introduction of electronic voting to further boost the integrity of our political office election process; introduction of state police for robust security at the sub-national level for more effective protection of the lives and properties of the masses dwelling in bandits and terrorists ravaged hinterland; and restructuring of the political system for an egalitarian society as well as the rotation of the presidency to our Igbo brothers and sisters for the sake of equity, before the curtain falls on what thus far has been described as a very tumultuous Buhari era.
In the event that Mr president meets the high expectations in the Things-To-Do-List cataloged above, he would be leaving Nigeria as a much better country than the condition he met in 2015 when he won the presidency.
But would President Buhari respond to the stimuli?
Since he seems to be finicky about how he would be judged by posterity, l would argue that Mr president would keep striving to leave an admirable legacy.
That is why l am willing to wager a bet that he would try his best to replace his initial sordid reputation of being a divider-in-chief (as his traducers like to characterize him) to being a chief unifier (which his admirers would love him to be ) in his later days in office by ensuring that he ticks off all the boxes in the list of expectations of most Nigerians that l earlier highlighted before the 2023 terminal date of his tenure.
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, an alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
The conversation continues @Magnum.ng
Soludo, Ludo Game, And Anambra Politics.
The notion of politics as a game is as old as politics itself. As most of us already know, politics originated in ancient Greece with the philosopher Plato who wrote about the nature of justice, what constitutes good government and what is best for humanity.
Subsequently, another philosopher earned the title: father of politics when he elaborated on politics through his writings focused on citizenship and forms of government as well as constitutionalism, etc.
Somehow, the game of politics can be likened to Ludo which is a strategy board game for two to four players, aimed at one person defeating opponents by racing their token from start to finish after rolling the dice with a view to earning higher numbers in the bid to advance his/her token over and above other players in the game.
Like politics, Ludo is a game of tactics, strategies, probabilities, and counting. And like Ludo, politics is played by deploying all the aforementioned tools for winning in contests so that ultimately the fellow who scores the highest number at the polls, would finish ahead of competitors and thus win the contest.
Charles Chukwuma Soludo (an ex-university don and central bank governor) entered the Anambra state governorship race in 2021 with as many as 17 other contenders.
He was particularly pitched against three other very formidable competitors-Andy Uba, (political denizen)
Valentine Ozigbo,(high corporate world high flyer) and Ifeanyi Uba (business tycoon)with himself as the fourth in what looked like a game of Ludo as earlier described.
And after a hard-fought battle of tactical maneuvers, strategic deployment of resources to garner votes for himself, and counting the votes on election day, Soludo prevailed.
But the egghead and public policy wonk had previously failed in the game of politics in Anambra state.
It would be recalled that in 2009, after exiting the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN where he had served as governor, (2004-2009) Soludo got into the murky waters of politics by joining the ruling party at the federal government level, Peoples Democratic Party, PDP.
Thereafter, he vied for the governorship of Anambra state in 2009 on the platform of PDP and failed to win against Peter Obi, then incumbent governor and the flag bearer of APGA.
Learning very quickly to dexterously play politics which is clearly like the game of Ludo, Soludo figured out that he was in the wrong party if his mission to govern Anambra state was to be accomplished. He then tactically switched platforms to APGA, the party where the political hearts and souls of Anambra people apparently reside.
The bond between APGA and Anambrarians, is in part, inspired by the spirit of the founder of the party, late Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu, who is one of the greatest leaders from the east of the Niger, and perhaps the most charismatic personality of his time from Igbo land.
Given that Peter Obi who had served as a two-term governor of Anambra State on the platform of APGA, failed twice to determine who became the governor of the state when he switched to the PDP and fielded or backed candidates of his new party twice against his successor and former mentee, Willie Obiano flying the flag of APGA (pronounced, APUGA by Anambrarians) with Oseloka Obazee, defeated by Obiano in 2017 and Valentine Ozigbo again losing in 2021 to Soludo who is another APGA candidate, by now it might have dawned on most people that it is the platform of the party, in this case, APGA, that Anambra people vote for, not necessarily, the individuals.
That is most likely the underpinning reason for, Soludo, as an astute strategist, to review (with the aim of cracking the code) his first failed attempt at becoming the new occupant of governor’s mansion in the state capital, Awka, and got defeated by Peter Obi, also known as okute- rock in Igbo dialect.
Having figured out that the point at which he fell short is that he engaged in the contest on the platform of PDP which is the second-best party to the people of Anambra, Soludo quickly and tactically pivoted his political career into APGA by identifying with the party that is presumably Anambra’s preferred platform and evidently the numero uno for producing the state’s governors in nearly two decades.
Although he failed to win in APGA’s primary election the first time he made an attempt at clinching the ticket in 2013, he persevered until he finally succeeded in being APGA’s flag bearer in the 2021 gubernatorial contest.
And as the saying goes: the rest is now history as Soludo is currently the governor-elect of Anambra state and has duly received the certificate of return from INEC.
In an opinion piece titled: Anambra Elections: “When Losing Means Winning For APC” which l wrote and published widely in both traditional and new media platforms immediately after the 2017 gubernatorial elections that were won by Willie Obiano of APGA with Tony Nwoye of APC in the second position, ahead of PDP’s Oseloka Obazee, l highlighted the fact that electing APC candidate as Anambra state governor was an equivalent of the biblical metaphor of passing the camel’s head through the eye of the needle.
Since that theorem was propounded in 2017, the outcome of the 2021 election currently under scrutiny clearly indicates that nothing has changed significantly in Anambra politics.
Certainly, it took the man, Soludo a lot of gumption and chutzpah to doggedly pursue his dream of leading Anambra state in spite of the odds stacked against him that included escaping death by hair’s breadth which was an attempt by his political rivals to cow, intimidate and possibly scare him out of participating in the electioneering process. Apart from the naked act of intimidation against Soludo by merchants of death, the schism within APGA, allegedly fueled by the numerous conflicts between the outgoing governor, Obiano, and some foundation leaders of the party owing to some perceived irreconcilable differences bothering on his overbearing nature, was also a significant factor that militated against the emergence of Soludo as governor.
But the scaremongering conveyed via the shooting to death of three policemen attached to him during a town hall meeting was in futility as he had passed through such treacherous paths in the past, and came out triumphant, when he served as CBN governor and ruffled feathers by consolidating the number of banks whose number was over 100, post-consolidation, into less than 25, after the exercise.
As it may be recalled: “Soludo, Banking ls No Ludo,” is the comical title of a caustic opinion piece published in the mass media, denouncing Soludo’s sweeping reforms following the radical changes that he has made in the financial services sector targeted at consolidating the number of banks in Nigeria.
The highly abrasive essay aimed at generating public opprobrium towards Soludo as CBN governor was influenced by aggrieved stakeholders in the banking sector who were being compelled to merge or give up their banking licenses when the minimum share capital of banks was jacked up from N2b to N100b in compliance with Soludo’s new policy as head of the apex bank, CBN.
After defying and weathering the initial resistance by bankers and bank owners reflected by the uproar in the public arena, what seemed like an impossibility turned out to be the best thing that happened to Nigeria’s banking sector.
That is evidenced by the fact that banking is currently one of Nigeria’s greatest exports to Africa and indeed the world; spreading from west, central, and East Africa, to the Southern African region all the way to UAE, China, and even Europe as well as the USA.
This is in addition to the fact that the better-capitalized banks which have become the norm rather than the exception in Nigeria’s financial services landscape have become an effective antidote to the scourge of distress in the banking sector that was a sort of albatross on Nigerians who had huge sums of their hard-earned funds trapped in failed banks.
What the bold initiative of Soludo in the banking sector and the salutary outcome of his revolutionary policy signpost, is that he is a visionary, goal-getter, and high achiever.
And that is why there is ample confidence amongst the majority of Nigerians that the ex CBN governor is most likely to repeat the feat that he achieved as ‘governor of money when he assumes duty as the governor of the good people of Anambra state from March next year.
Such optimism being expressed by a broad spectrum of Nigerians is not misplaced because, the state is now like a new canvass for Soludo, (in a literary sense) to deploy his uncommon gift of socioeconomic, human, and material resource management as well as leadership wizardry that he dexterously applied in the banking sector, by painting his own equivalent of Mona Lisa, in Anambra state, (development-wise) as the legendary artist, Leonardo Da Vinci did, when he created the iconic Mona Lisa work of art.
As March 2022 beckons for Soludo to take over the mantle of leadership in Anambra state, it would not be surprising if another screaming headline in the media such as: “Soludo Governance Is No Ludo”, surfaces in parody, as he embarks on the new journey in the political leadership of a state.
But hopefully, as he did when he was the helmsman at the CBN by being a positive game-changer, perhaps before his first term in office as Anambra state governor runs out, Soludo whose penchant for making high impact changes in any endeavor that he engages in, may trigger a positive paradigm shift in governance at the state level in Nigeria.
So fingers are crossed.
If Soludo meets the high expectations that he has set in his numerous speeches and action, maybe more Soludos would sprout across the country to fill
the national political space as more professionals with proven track records of success in their chosen careers would become motivated to join the political fray.
Amongst the multiple positive developments in the political process in Nigeria’s democracy in the past 21 years that may be pulling more professionals into party politics, is the incremental improvements in the electioneering process leveraging technology.
It is indeed heartwarming that the application of technology in service delivery that has proven to be an efficacious tool against fraud in all its ramifications is slowly but surely being adopted by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC.
Initiatives such as the introduction of Permanent Voters Card, PVC, Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, BVAS and the new electoral amendment bill 2021 passed by the National Assembly, NASS authorizing electronic transmission of election results, (awaiting presidential assent) are some of the harbingers of higher integrity in the electoral process that may lure into party politics, more professionals who would have loved to serve, but lack the skills to handle the rough and tumble endemic in the political environment in Nigeria.
Two more clogs that need to be removed for further improvements in our political office election process are:
(1)votes buying which are increasing rather than abating nationwide, (but which was admirably shunned by Anambra women as evidenced by a video that was trending on the social media )
(2) the vice grip of the judiciary on the electioneering process as the onus of elected public office holders has inadvertently been shifting from the masses to the judges and their cohorts that keep rendering judgments that are at variance with the will of the electorate.
As our country continues to strive to deepen the democratic process with the introduction of the much sought internal democracy within the political parties, hopefully, the process of selecting candidates transparently would be less rancorous and acrimonious as winners and losers in both primary and main elections would be easily and transparently determined.
If the current positive evolution of politics in Nigeria persists and gathers momentum, the dirty aspects of the game of politics such as under-the-table deals packaged during nocturnal meetings to upturn popular decisions would ultimately be consigned to history.
And the welcome development of people of high integrity and accomplished professionals throwing their hats into the ring is already manifesting from Akwa Ibom to Edo, Anambra, and even Nasarawa states, where non-professional politicians have supplanted professional politicians. Those who recently got catapulted from the private sector into the role of governor without first of all serving in an active capacity in public office are Willie Obiano, Godwin Obaseki, Abdullahi Sule, and now Chukwuma Soludo amongst others who are currently in the saddle as governors of their respective states.
However, the jury is still out on whether or not there has been a difference in the performance of the aforementioned non-professional politicians in office compared to their predecessors that are professional politicians.
In that regard, all eyes are currently on Soludo to see if he would spur development or leapfrog the economy of Anambra state which has the potential of being Nigeria’s industrial hub, leveraging the bevy of industries in Awka and Nnewi axis of the state.
His scorecard after the first term in office would surely give insight into whether or not the entrant of non-professional politicians into political governance space in Nigeria would usher in prosperity for the critical mass of Nigerians, assuming they are able to convert the theories that they have been propounding into practice.
By the way, do folks realize who Soludo’s running mate is?
His name is Onyekachukwu Ibezim.
A medical doctor and the younger brother to the Archbishop, province of the Niger, and Bishop of Awka Diocese of the Anglican Church, Reverend, Alexander Ibezim.
In a state like Anambra where Christianity is a strong motivator for voting and bishops are deemed to be next to God, it is safe to conclude that it must be a combination of both the spirit of Odimegwu Ojukwu, the founder of APGA, and God’s grace that have made Chukwuma Soludo, governor.
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, an alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
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Anambra Gubernatorial Election As Bellwether For PDP and Referendum For APC.
Along with the forthcoming Anambra State governorship election scheduled for 6th November, which is only a couple of days away, the PDP national convention held 30-31 October is a sort of bellwether for the main opposition party, PDP, and a referendum for the ruling APC. The assertion above is underscored by the fact that both events would serve as a sort of barometer on the organizational preparedness of the PDP to reclaim its old glory as of the ruling party and a peep into what the electorate is thinking of the current main opposition party with respect to whether it would be voted back to power at the center in 2023.
It would be recalled that following the return of multi-party democracy in Nigeria in 1999, the PDP emerged as the ruling party at the center and held sway back-to-back for 16 years until 2015, when it lost control to the APC which is a coalition of five opposition political parties that coalesced into one formidable political force that unseated the PDP, then ruling party.
Since 2015, the current main opposition party has been struggling without success to regain control of the political leadership at the center.
But given the litany of leadership failures by the current ruling party ranging from the unprecedented level of insecurity nationwide, to the extent that bandits are said to be closing in on Abuja the federal capital city,(after the recent invasion and kidnapping of a professor and his family in the University of Abuja) lack of inclusivity in governance, also known as the marginalization of other nationalities and nepotism by the incumbent president that has spurred the emergence of sundry separatist movements across Igbo and Yoruba nations that are contending that they prefer to be decoupled from Nigeria rather than be enslaved; an ugly development that has plunged the country into socioeconomic and political doldrums of Olympian proportions: the stage seems to have been set for the return of the PDP as the number one occupant of Aso Rock Villa, from 2023.
As an aside: how can bandits or religious insurgents that the authorities in Abuja have been boasting as having been degraded and only attacking soft targets in the hinterland be encircling Abuja, the federal capital territory as is currently being reported in the mass media and as reflected by the heightened security alert in the federal capital? Sometimes it is better for government spokesmen to keep their mouths bridled and spare the masses of the ire of these daredevil marauders who are without compunctions than to open their mouths and trigger an avalanche of avoidable catastrophe on harmless Nigerian masses. Apparently, the nefarious ambassadors (for lack of a better term) get riled up by the unhelpful utterances of government spokesmen that appear to provoke them to want to do more damage to the government by harming innocent citizens in the bid to prove the spokesmen of the authorities wrong. We have witnessed the outlaws do so by attacking military formations (as has been the case lately) and now they are laying siege on Abuja(as reported in the media) the seat of government power, perhaps to controvert the authorities and prove that the Insurgency is still very much alive, potent and dangerous.
On the issue of the confidence being projected by the PDP that it would win the presidency in 2023 which is being bolstered by their successful wrapping up of their convention at the end of October without rancor as most of the 21 offices were filled via consensus, (except the office of vice-chairman, South West which was settled through voting)coming out of the convention without any individual or a splinter group heading to the courts to seek redress or forming a parallel executive committee or even an alternative party, (which was the case when nPDP was set up by a breakaway faction) the main opposition party, PDP has proven that it possesses the cohesiveness amongst its leadership that is required to engage the ruling party, APC in the battle for the presidency in the next election circle.
With the convention failing to implode as had been predicted, and former chairman Uche Secondus, (suspended chairman of the party) failing to prevail in the courts in his bid to stop the convention: instead, the party seem to have waxed stronger as the conference was organized in a most tranquil atmosphere resulting in a win-win outcome.
And l could literarily hear the PDP exhaling and exclaiming ‘one down and two more to go’.
Having trained me to understand politicians by taking note of their foibles and antecedents then matching the findings with prevailing political dynamics, l understand that they don’t rest on their oars. Hence it should not be surprising that the PDP might have also set its eyes on clinching the next jewel-Anambra state gubernatorial election on November 6.
In light of the desperation of the two major political parties to add Anambra state to their sphere of influence, in addition to the very high caliber candidates contesting for the governorship of the state, it is apparent that the election which promises to be the bellwether for the PDP on 2023 general elections, and referendum for the APC would be the hardest nut to crack for both parties. More succinctly put, having the PDP candidate, Valentine Ozigbo or Andy Uba as the number one citizen presiding in governor’s Mansion, Awka, Anambra state would be foreshadowing the ambition of the main opposition party PDP to take over Aso rock villa in 2023 and the chances of the ruling party in retaining the presidency, post-Buhari regime.
Having lost Ebonyi and Cross Rivers as well as Zamfara states to the ruling party via cross carpeting of three former PDP governors to the APC, it would be imperative for the PDP to have a coveting ambition of one of its own in the top echelon of the political architecture in Anambra state. By the same token, a loss to the APC would be a wake-up call to change its strategy and tactics.
And there is every likelihood that after the anticipated victory in Awka, PDP would then set its eyes on the July 16, 2022, gubernatorial contest in Osun state in order to regain more states in its fold.
Osun state may be a much easier territory to capture for the PDP than Anambra due to the current feud between the former governor, Rauf Aregbesola, currently, minister of the interior, and his successor Gboyega Oyetola.
The assertion above is underscored by the value embedded in the conventional wisdom, ‘A House Divided Can Not Stand.’
Considering that the PDP only lost Osun to the ruling APC party due to the intimidation of voters by security agents allegedly at the behest of the authorities in Abuja, the weak link arising from the internal conflicts in the ruling party in the state might enable PDP to reclaim the mandate presumed to have been lost through a sleight of hand in favor of the incumbent by the ruling party at the center.
That unwholesome event nearly four years ago represents to political watchdogs, one of the earliest rape of democracy by the ruling party which has since added to her list of actions that amount to violations of the ethos of democracy such as the raiding of the homes of top-ranking members of the judiciary including Supreme Court justices culminating in the sacking of the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, CJN, Walter Onoghen shortly before the 2019 presidential election on the bogus charges of corruption. One thing for sure is that it is the nature of authorities all over the world to go after their adversaries by stopping at nothing to accomplish their goal which may be by hook or crook. Likewise, there are a number of charges that can be leveled against an opponent of government to nail him or her, no matter his or her moral standing. One of such antics is to level the charge of corruption against a target and try to prove it. But the way and manner such political shenanigans are executed in Nigeria have been at best, crass. And it is reflective of the character and capacity of those whose duty it is to influence the president in his policy decision-making process.
They brazenly make it look like the case of ‘Give A Dog A Bad So That You Can Hang lt’
Could the incongruity be underpinned by the wise counsel by Andy Stanley? “leaders who don’t listen will eventually be surrounded by people who don’t speak“
Not adhering to the admonition espoused by Andy Stanley, an evangelical clergyman has often proven to be the Achilles heels or bane of multiple leaders, not only in Nigeria but around the world?
Now, allegations of corruption against public officials stick because it resonates amongst the masses and it often generates sympathy for government and hatred for the fellows being framed because it pertains to messing up with the commonwealth of the hoi poloi which often elicits extreme emotion in our country given the fact that there is belief in the polity that the elite is responsible for the emasculation of the populace via their consistent maladministration of our beloved country over the years. So tagging a public servant with the dishonorable badge of corruption is a classical tool. That is how the late music maestro Fela Ransom Kuti, who was a torn on the flesh of government at a point in time was charged with Money laundering simply because he and members of his band had foreign currencies on them in the course of embarking on a foreign trip to perform and earn hard currency abroad.It may also be recalled that in our country, Tam David-West, a professor of morbid anatomy and former cabinet minister for power and energy in 1991, after being put through severe scrutiny and no ‘ smoking gun’ of corruption could be linked to him, because the government was determined to ‘nail’ him, was eventually jailed merely for accepting a cup of tea and a gift of a wristwatch. Are those instances not hypocritical actions? His experience as a victim of the use of state power of coercion was documented in two books by the professor, David-West.
Unsurprisingly, with this past perversion of justice in mind, the allegation against the high ranking members of the body of benchers that were arrested in Gestapo style and arraigned are viewed by most Nigerians as a political witch-hunt by a wide spectrum of Nigerians beyond ethnic or religious divide which some people often input in every act of injustice.
In any case, authorities are yet to have any of the charges proven against any of the victims of the midnight assault by the executive arm of government.
No wonder most Nigerians deem such acts of executive high-handedness as acts of political subterfuge designed to intimidate the other arms of the three arms of government and also ploy to undermine the will of voters.
With respect to the pending gubernatorial elections in Osun State, it has been close to four years since the dance-loving PDP governorship flag bearer, Ademola Adeleke, to the consternation of most voters was declared the loser in the controversial Osun state contest. But all things being equal, the good people of Osun state may on July 16, 2022, (barely 6 months time) have the opportunity to right the wrong, particularly as the incumbent governor is also reeling from the damage inflicted on his integrity by the revelation in the Pandora papers that he is one of those that have hidden huge sums of money in secret financial instruments, offshore.
Since all things are hardly equal, especially in our clime, simply because things are always subject to manipulation to suit the interest of those who wield political power, PDP would have to wait to see how the elections pan out in Anambra and Osun to really foretell what its fortune may be in 2023 presidential elections.
In all of these animated gyrations of political actors in a highly toxic and volatile political atmosphere in Anambra state, one policy that may help the cause of PDP and all the other parties that are entertaining the fear that the will of Anambra people may be subverted through vote-rigging using the power of state actors, is the planned reliance on electronic transmission of election results by the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC.
It is a law already passed by National Assembly, NASS, but awaiting the assent of President Buhari.
If it is deployed, chances are that the best candidate would win fair and square as was the case in the Edo state governorship election.
That is more so now that IPOB has in the spirit of reconciliation and hopefully, the thawing of its icey relationship with authorities lifted its seat-at-home order which could have negatively affected voter turnout-out. I wish the armistice was secured earlier to give them enough time to boost the confidence of voters for a massive turnout. Nevertheless, it now behooves INEC and the political parties to in the short space of time, energize their campaign by gingering up voters to perform their civic duties of turning out massively to vote for their preferred candidates since IPOB has in a show of respect to the wise counsel of Igbo elders and leaders, unshackled them.
In the event that the nail-biting November 6 election swings the way of the PDP, the main opposition ruling party would be more surefooted to retake the presidency which it lost to the ruling party when Goodluck Jonathan was president, but who currently appears to be distancing himself from the party that made him Deputy Governor, Governor, Vice President, and President.
Ex-president Jonathan’s decision to travel abroad during the PDP convention last week unwittingly gives fillip to the rumor swirling around in the political space that he may be bracing up to be the presidential candidate of the ruling APC that may be finding it difficult to find a viable presidential candidate from the southeast and south-south from amongst the political class to fill president Mohammadu Buhari’s big shoes in 2023.
If that happens, Jonathan would have been rewarded for not investing sufficient grit to win the 2015 election, and little wonder that he yielded to the APC even before the final results were called.
One low point during the two days long PDP convention that l could observe is that both Goodluck Jonathan, and Olusegun Obasanjo, two surviving immediate past and former presidents of Nigeria under the platform of the PDP, were conspicuously absent. That was odd.
Another unusual and potentially unsavory outcome of the convention is that most of the 21 strategic offices went to the north. It would have been the ideal thing if the presidency was zoned to the south. But the presidency has been thrown open to both the north and south, as opposed to the party’s past practice of rotating the presidency between the north and south which would have justified such an arrangement.
Hopefully, the skewed power arrangement in the PDP leadership hierarchy would not become a point of friction in the future. With the PDP convention done and dusted, all eyes are now riveted on the ruling party, APC which also hopes that its candidate, Andy Uba, a serial contender in governorship contests in the state, would come out tops in the November 6 Anambra state election.
The ruling party at the center that has been rescheduling dates for its national convention to avert what critics speculate would be an explosive event that could result in the 5 legacy parties returning to their status quo ante, in light of the fact that the party is actually a union of five strange bedfellows that have not had the chance to interact closely enough to blend and articulate or develop a common leadership agenda based on any defined ideology other than to hound then ruling party, PDP out of power in 2015; is also determined to end up being a stronger and more united party after its convention scheduled to be held next month.
Whether, given the circumstances of APC’s birth and the current cracks on their wall reflecting divisions along the lines of the founding parties-CPC, ACN, ANPP and so and so forth, the ruling party would survive as one party is anyone’s guess.
But the Mai Mala Buni ( Yobe state governor ) led interim executives that have been at the helm of the administration of the ruling party in excess of one year, seem poised to achieve the feat of holding the party together and even consolidating its control of power at the center.
Considering the number of governors and deputies that the party had poached from the main opposition party under Buni’s watch, in addition to the membership drive that it had earlier embarked on; all eyes are on the party to see if its convention would be as productive as the PDP’s.
Just as the Anambra election is a bellwether for the PDP, the same election is a sort of referendum for the ruling party, APC as it would be a foretaste of the general elections that would produce the president in 2023 as Nigerians have practically been in a sort of Intensive Care Unit, ICU gasping for breathing in their struggle to survive in a benign war zone which our beloved country has transformed into since the advent of Boko Haram religious insurgents, some (10) years ago, and whose ranks have been swelled in the past six (6) years by the entrance of ISWAP, and bandits/violent herdsmen which the likes of Kaduna state governor, Nasir El-Rufai has been prodding the authorities to declare as terrorists.
Whatever be the case, I’m holding my breath in anxiety to hear or read how the ruling party, APC would explain the monumental tragedies and horrendous catastrophes that have befallen the nation under her watch in the past six years and expect the electorate to cast votes in their favor.
As the saying goes, a day in politics is a long time, so there is still ample time before the general elections in 2023, for the ruling party, APC to turn a new leaf in the event that it losses the Anambra election or retain its winning formula if it wins the contest fair and square.
Incontrovertibly, on November 6, the Anambra governorship elections is pregnant with meaning.
Happily, the fear of stillbirth is no more being entertained since IPOB has promised to sheath its sword. But the integrity of the midwives and whether the baby would be male or female is currently the concern.
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, an alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
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Nigerian Presidency, 2023: Where Are The Igbo Candidates?
In the People Democratic Party, PDP whose convention comes up 30-31st October which is a few days’ time, the front runners for the presidential tickets are already very well known.
Ex-Vice President Atiku Abubakar who had faced- off with the incumbent president Mohammadu Buhari in the 2019 presidential contest with significant impact, is on top of the pecking order. This has been confirmed by Oyo state governor and secretary of the PDP convention committee, Seyi Makinde who revealed the identity of the other presidential candidates during a recent Channels television interview.
“…PDP has eminently qualified personalities that can lead this country successfully. Some have indicated interest, like former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, like Governor (Aminu) Tambuwal, like Governor Bala Mohammed.”
Curiously, former senate president, and ex Kwara state governor, Bukola Saraki who was a serious contender for the presidency in 1999 was not mentioned. Just as no Igbo man/woman whose region is supposed to present the next president in 2023 is featured in governor Makinde’s list of PDP presidential candidates that would slug it out in presidential primaries.
With respect to the ruling party, All Progressives Party, APC, the man with the appellation, National Leader, also known as both the Jagaban of Borgu and Asiwaju of Lagos, Bola Ahmed Tinubu who served as governor of Lagos 1999-2007 is clearly the leader of the pack.
So it is almost like an entitlement for the man also nicknamed the Lion Of Bourdilon to become the president of Nigeria in 2023. That is simply because he played a pivotal role in the emergence of President Buhari as president in 2015 via his ability to swing the very critical south-west or Yoruba votes in favor of a then-presidential candidate, Buhari. Since it is the nature of politicians to give and later demand a return on lOUs, it appears to me that it is now payback time between Buhari and Tinubu. To actualize the presumed presidential ambition of Tinubu, South West Agenda For Asiwaju, SWAGA, a well-oiled campaign organization that has been founded by Tinubu’s ardent supporters has been making waves.
The criticality of Tinubu’s role in making Buhari president is accentuated by the fact it happened after Buhari’s three previous failed attempts (in 2003, 2007, and 2011) to win the presidency.
As someone contended elsewhere, it would not be far-fetched for observers of Nigerian political developments to come to the conclusion that Tinubu has been waiting for seven years to gain a foothold in the presidency of Nigeria. That is after the Action Congress of Nigeria, ACN that Tinubu leads, struck the deal with then-candidate Buhari’s, Congress for Progressive Change, CPC between 2013/14 to harness Yoruba votes for Buhari’s victory in 2015.
Considering that the Asiwaju had to give up his initial ambition to serve as Vice Presidential candidate to Buhari in 2015, which is owed to the fact that the concept of a Muslim president and Vice President is a sort of anathema in Nigeria, his burning ambition to succeed Buhari as president must have remained aglow.
But how the burning desire can be converted into reality is a lump currently lodged in the throats of both the Asiwaju who is yet to verbalize his apparently lifelong quest, and his political godson, Yemi Osinbajo, that is being coy about his interest in the plump job of being president of the republic.
Be that as it may, a presidential campaign organization, ostensibly without Osinbajo’s public endorsement known as ‘Osinbajo Support Movement’ (OSM) has
created a website as far back as May to chronicle the achievements of the Vice-President and public garner support for him. Without being told, the emergence of OSM is in pursuit of the cause of elevating the current Vice President to the next level-the presidency.
To consolidate the publicity that had been achieved with the website, in the course of president Buhari daughter’s high octane wedding ceremonies recently held in Kano, the streets of the ancient city were adorned with posters pitching Osinbajo for president and incumbent Kano state governor, Abdullahi Ganduje for vice president with the carefully crafted message:
“If power rotates to the South, Osinbajo is best placed to unite, heal and inspire our great nation. We also firmly believe that Ganduje’s antecedents as Governor of Kano make him the perfect Northern vice presidential candidate to Osinbajo; one who will advance and protect the interests of a Northern Nigeria plagued by poverty and insecurity.”
By and large, it can be stated without equivocation that the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 from the ruling party prism appears to be beaconing on the current Vice President, who is a prodigy of the Jagaban, Bola Tinubu.
Keeping in mind that it was Tinubu that conceded the role of Vice President to Osinbajo by virtue of the fact that he was his trusted ally, would he be willing to concede the presidency to him this time?
Osinbajo, who is a high-ranking Pentecostal pastor of the Redeemed Christian Church of God and an astute legal scholar has been on the saddle as Vice President since 2015 and Tinubu his erstwhile boss has been on the sideline.
If the feelers in the political space are anything to go by, Osinbajo is not resisting the allure of change of nomenclature from Vice President to President-a natural progression that very few mortals can resist. But would his mentor, and if you like, an earthly master concede the presidency to him? That is the elephant in the room.
In my calculations, although Osinbajo may be able to garner the votes of a vast number of Christians nationwide by virtue of his being a member of the Redeem Church (believed to be the largest Pentecostal church denomination) he does not appear to possess what it takes to take on his former boss in political warfare and win in the main political battleground, south-west. It is perhaps why the Vice President has been demurring from advancing his purported presidential dream from the subliminal level to the realms of reality.
Even when the block votes in north-west are mobilized by Ganduje backed by Buhari for Osinbajo/Ganduje presidency, the nature of politics in Nigeria is that the block votes of the southwest are also required to secure the presidency which only Tinubu appears to have the capacity and ability to procure.
So, once again, the man often referred to as pastor/professor may have to predicate his presidential ambition on the will of God.
The third personality from Yoruba land that may be nursing presidential ambition in 2023 is the present Ekiti state governor, Kayode Fayemi who is also an ex-minister of solid minerals development.
As the chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum, NGF, he has chalked up some national influence enough to earn himself national name recognition. Again, like Osinbajo, he is one of Tinubu’s surrogates who honed his political skills in the days of NADECO-the Yoruba political pressure movement that is one of the forces that pushed for the exit of Sani Abacha as Nigeria’s military head of state(1994-8).
So, Fayemi’s reported ambition may also be in abeyance, which is in line with the wisdom to engage in dalliance with Tinubu political family as a political tactic, so as not to cross paths with the APC national leader, who is apparently believed to hold the ace in Yoruba politics.
Now, our country, Nigeria is anchored, metaphorically, on a tripod formed by Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo nationalities, with each representing one of the three legs on which Nigeria stands.
They jostle for the presidency by the Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani nationalities gleaned from mainstream and online media sources has been cataloged in the preceding paragraphs.
But shockingly, alarmingly, and embarrassingly absent in the milieu are activities or information about the potential presidential or even vice-presidential candidates of Igbo origin from the ruling or main opposition parties jostling for the presidency in 2023.
So, where are the Igbo candidates?
Yes, Kingsley Moghalu, ex Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN deputy governor, and presidential candidate of one of the small political parties in 2019 may be angling for the presidency again in 2023. But, for the obvious reasons of lack of nationwide political structures, and inability to raise the humongous financial resources which by some estimates can be as high as one hundred billion nairas required to execute a presidential campaign, Moghalu has zero chance. The underlying reason for that assertion is that he is not vying for the presidency on the platform of the ruling APC or main opposition, PDP whose affluent members-governors, legislators, and ministers could have provided the financial resources and political structures once a candidate is adopted by the party. Basically if becoming the president of Nigeria in 2023 is in Moghalu’s gaze, it would have done his political career greater good, if he had joined the ruling or main opposition parties.
The other Igbo politicians of notable national status weighty enough to contemplate contesting for the presidency of Nigeria are Orji Uzo Kalu, ex Abia state governor, currently a senator; Ken Nnamani and Anyim Pius Anyim, both of whom are former senate Presidents at different times. To further give him more heft, Pius Anyim also served as Secretary to the government of the Federation under Goodluck Jonathan’s presidency.
But the aforementioned Igbo politicians who were on track to entrench themselves politically at the national level, have recently been literarily ‘damaged’ and have thus become political liabilities via their indictments by the EFCC for financial malfeasance. That is the case with Orji Kalu who was jailed under curious circumstances for corruption. But he escaped a long jail term by the whiskers when he was soon after discharged and acquitted. Pius Anyim has also been recently grilled by the anti-corruption agency, EFCC for alleged involvement of a company where he has a beneficial interest in an aviation ministry contract.
Regarding, Ken Nnamani, he has been in the cold politically for nearly fifteen years since he was compelled by his political leader( Chimaroke Nnamani, then governor of his state, currently a senator ) from seeking re-election to the senate after he played a prominent role in scuttling president Obasanjo’s presumed third term agenda in 2007. That much was revealed in Nnamani’s recently published memoir.
In a piece titled: How To Become President Of Nigeria which l wrote and published on the back page of Thisday newspaper on Monday, September 20, 2021, and on numerous online newspapers, l had made a case that the Igbo nation may be suffering from a dearth of ‘presidential materials’.
ln, the piece, l listed elder statesman, Emmanuel lwuanyanwu, the
owner of defunct Champion newspaper and lwuanyanwu Babes-football club (socioeconomic endeavors which gave him national name recognition) as a potential presidential candidate of Igbo extraction. But he is currently past his prime in terms of age and political relevance.
Another Igbo personality that l had also beamed the light on is Peter Obi, who is the 2019 vice presidential candidate of the PDP and former governor of Anambra state. He too is currently under the yoke of the recently leaked Pandora papers(a catalog of illicit financial flows into a tax haven in Monaco) which has put him under the scrutiny of Nigerian anti-fraud agencies which are getting under his skin in a bid to ferret out information to determine if the former state governor breached the code of conduct rules in public service by not disclosing some of his wealth tucked away in secret foreign jurisdictions.
In my interactions with multiple members of the Igbo ethnic stock, l get the sense that they desire, as desperately as can be imagined, to be the tribe calling the shots in the presidency from2023.
This was affirmed by the president-general of Ohaneze Indigbo, the region sociocultural organization, George
Obiozor had passionately made a case for the Igbo presidency of Nigeria after president Buhari exits the Aso Rock villa in 2023. Here is how he put it: “We support the Igbo president with open arms. It is the most important thing that will happen to Igbos. Finally, it is our turn. And we are going to work it so hard,” Obiozor further made the following emphasis:
“We will talk to other parts of Nigeria to give us a chance. Because it is right, reasonable, deserving, and timely. It is wonderful to consider it done by this time. Igbo presidency is our agenda.”
Another Igbo elder statesman and former Anambra state governor (1992-3) Chukwuemeka Ezeife had also lent his voice to the call for the next president to be Igbo.
Said he ” power comes from God but we (Ndigbo) have been doing our homework, reaching out to our brothers from the Northern, Western, and South-South part of Nigeria to support us in 2023. Ordinary Nigerians from the other geopolitical zones want an Igbo to be the next President for equity, justice, and fair play”.
Although, there has been a deluge of rhetorical statements that can be likened to the roars of lions from Igbos at home and in the diaspora about 2023 being a watershed year for a member of their ethnic group to be the president of Nigeria on the premise of the fact that both the Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani nations have had their turns in the presidential power rotation arrangement introduced since 1999: in terms of the physical mobilization of Igbo voters and the actual preparation of Igbo candidates, there has not been any significant evidence to match the vigor displayed in the media. Rather the hoopla in the mainstream and social media without commensurate practical action on the ground makes the Igbo appear like whimpering kittens as far as the struggle for the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 is concerned.
The clearly un-Igbo tame and timid attitude has been in part attributed to the resistance being put up by the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, separatist movement via their seat-at-home order in Igbo land; and their disruption of political activities in the South-East through other civil disobedience actions which are having crippling effects on the socio-economic and political activities in the region.
The political inactivity in Igbo land with respect to the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 is quite the opposite of the preparatory activities towards the forthcoming November 6, governorship election in which both president Buhari and NEC chairman, Mahmood Yakubu have vowed must hold on schedule, despite the IPOB threat.
Somehow, the quartet of Andy Uba of APC, Val Ozigbo of PDP, Chukwuma Soludo of APGA, and Ifeanyi Uba of YPP representing the main political parties have been ramping up their campaigns.
Given the scenario above, and if the Igbos are really not politicking for the presidency like their Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani counterparts, (which is evident by the reality on the ground) the prospect of an Igbo presidency in 2023 that may already be in peril, can be given a shot-in-the-arm through a strategic partnership that would provide political structures and financial muscle.
That is what informed my proposal in the earlier referenced article: “How To Become The President Of Nigeria” that the Igbo should align with Atiku Abubakar as PDP presidential candidate in 2023 to achieve the dream of Igbo presidency in 2027.
My proposal is underscored by the belief that it would be unlikely that the former Vice President Atiku Abubakar who has become a veteran in presidential contests since 2003 with enormous practical experience, would seek his re-election in 2027 if elected president in 2023 via an Igbo alliance and PDP support.
Unless, other northern contenders like Aminu Tambuwal or Bala Mohammed are willing to serve only one term and hand over to an Igbo Vice President, which is a highly unlikely scenario simply because of their relatively young age compared to the former Vice President who would be 75 years next month, Igbo quest for the presidency of Nigeria may remain a mirage.
In my view, a partnership with Atiku Abubakar as a pathway to Aso Rock Villa remains the most viable trajectory for an Igbo man/woman to become president of Nigeria in 2027 on the PDP platform. That is because, Atiku Abubakar is liberal, broad-minded, business savvy, and has links by marriage to all the three major ethnic groups-Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo in Nigeria. It implies that Atiku Abubakar’s presidency would likely be more inclusive than the nepotistic-a trademark of the current government in power that is fueling the current gale of separatism.
The point being made here is that under Atiku Abubakar’s watch as president, separatism would be consigned to the dustbin as inclusiveness becomes a major plank in government policy. With inclusiveness becoming a center point of public policy in Nigeria, secessionist tendencies would die a natural death in the manner that Niger delta militancy ceased after the late president Umaru Yar’adua took strategic steps to stabilize the volatile region via his offer of Amnesty to former militants after meeting some of their demands.
The existential reality in Nigeria’s current political equation is that the Igbos need help to actualize their quest for the presidency of Nigeria. As Atilla, the Hun advised, “choose your enemies wisely and your friends carefully.”
It should be obvious to the average Igbo that they can not ascend the throne in Aso Rock Villa by themself. And they must accept that their mastery of business can not overnight translate into the political savviness that is required for someone of Igbo extraction to become the number 1 citizen presiding over our country in Aso Rock Villa seat of power from 2023.
So an alliance with the former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar whose political fortune has been built since the time that he first contested against former the late MKO Abiola in Social Democratic Party, SDP primaries held in 1992, remains the most viable political catapult that can propel the Igbo nation into Aso Rock Villa, after Alex Ekwueme’s partnership with Shehu Shagari for the presidency of Nigeria (1979-1983). It is disappointing that it is the last time the Igbo enjoyed worthy political significance in a country that they have indisputable ancestry.
Without adopting or resorting to the application of such cold calculations, the Igbo’s demand to have someone from their ethnic stock as number occupant in
Aso Rock Villa would very likely remain a mission impossible as the demand would continue to be elusive beyond 2023 and even 2027.
As a follow-up article to How To Become President Of Nigeria, l wrote another piece titled: “A Citizen’s Guide on How To Become President of Nigeria” also published on the back page of Thisday newspaper on October 22, 2021, and other mainstream newspapers, including Daily independence, Vanguard as well as online platforms, the following points were brought to the attention of readers:
“Although presidential power play is largely about popularity, it also significantly utilizes conspiracies and alliances as the oxygen and blood for positioning popular candidates for victory in presidential polls.”
In light of the above reality, which ethnic nationality or nationalities in the Nigerian Union is the Igbo building alliance or conspiring with, overtly or covertly? None in my opinion. But l stand to be corrected.
Now, I have read some news items indicating that some ethnic nationalities in the middle belt have been co-opted into the agitation for the Igbo presidency in 2023. The pertinent question is: does the north-central political zone hold significant votes compared to southwest or northwest that are the most prolific sources of votes in our present political configuration? Again, the response is a negative affirmation.
Even as the political link-ups being weaved like spider webs between the Yoruba and the Hausa/Fulani politicians as reflected by the subterranean alliances are being tagged conspiracy theories since they are yet to be acknowledged by the key actors, there are practically neither conspiracy theories nor alliances between the Igbos or any other major tribes for the presidency of Nigeria in 2023.
It is disappointing that while the eastern region is prevaricating or pussyfooting on the strategy to adopt in order to achieve her over 50 years aspiration for self-rule, or at least get critically involved in running the affairs of the only country that can call their own, the southwest and more appropriately, the Yoruba nation, leveraging the ruling party, APC platform is at the cusp of taking the slot of the south for the second time in the presidency rotation calculus which commenced with president Olusegun Obasanjo in 1999. And I get the uncanny sense that the APC is more oriented towards rotating the presidency to the southeast in 2023 than the PDP, as such it may end up specifically zoning the presidency to the Igbos even as the PDP by all intents and purposes are likely to throw it open. But the easterners may not be able to positively convert the opportunity if offered by the APC because their house has not been literarily put in order.
Perhaps, the Igbo nation would be jolted from its reverie if it is reminded of how one time Vice President of Nigeria, Alex Ekwueme of blessed memory suffered the negative effect of Igbo republicanism when multiple fellow Igbos contested against him and split the votes in the PDP primaries held in Jos, Plateau state in 1998.
Although the election of Goodluck Jonathan to serve as Vice President under Umaru Yar’adua’s presidency (2007-10) and his subsequent elevation to the position of president (2010-2015) in the aftermath of Yar’adua’s sudden death offered a window of opportunity for the Igbos to have a say in the country, 2023 represents an epoch for them to be on top of the pecking order in Aso Rock Villa. Beyond the feeling of accomplishment amongst the Igbos that may be elicited by an Igbo presidency, it is even being canvassed in some quarters that it would also moderate their separatist tendencies that have severely damaged the fabric of the unity of our beloved country in the manner that the concession of the presidency to the Yorubas in 1999 via the fielding of both Olusegun Obasanjo and Olu Falae as the presidential candidates of the two major political parties, healed the wound inflicted on the collective psyche of the Yoruba nation by the annulment of June 12, 1993, presidential election; presumably won by their son, MKO Abiola; the assassination of his delightful and heroic wife, Kudirat and his subsequent passage while in the custody of government in the course of his struggle to claim his presidential mandate.
In the likely event that the Igbos have forgotten.
It would interest them to know that of the five presidents that have led Nigeria -Shehu Shagari, Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Yar’adua Adua, Goodluck Jonathan, and Mohammadu Buhari currently in the saddle, only two have been from the south. Both of them- Obasanjo and Jonathan made it to the presidency directly or indirectly following the sudden death of their principals- either via assassination or natural causes.
In other words, they rode on the apron strings of northern Political leaders who got selected after a military putsch, as is the case with Murtala Muhamed and Obasanjo (1976-9) or got elected president via a general election following the death of an elected sitting president, which is what happened with the Umaru Yar’adua and Goodluck Jonathan presidency(2007-15).
It is also pertinent to bear in mind that Obasanjo did not get elected president in 1999 on the voting strength of the Yoruba nation. Rather, he became president despite being rejected by his Yoruba kith and kin that preferred his opponent, Olu Falae.
So he only became no 1 citizen through the political engineering reportedly driven by the duo of former military head of state Ibrahim Babangida and ex-chief of army staff, TY Danjuma. The pair of whom are leading members of the northern intelligentsia or the so-called Kaduna mafia.
It is the foregoing political developments that have informed my unique perspective that it would be more pragmatic for the Igbo nation to be fully conscious of the dynamics of politics in our country in order to be guided and thus be appreciative of the propriety of weaning itself off the utopian idea of winning the presidency without the type of strategic alliances espoused in my earlier proposition.
Allow me to indulge you by being a bit prescient as l reference an AriseTv interview with late northern political power broker and bridge builder, late Isa Funtua in January 2020 where he made a prediction that the Igbo can not be given the presidency on a platter of gold:
“They want to do things on their own and because they are Igbo, we should dash them the presidency?”
The straight-talking lsa Funtua further made the following declarative statement about the Igbos :
“Nobody will carry you like a newly born baby.
With due respect to the Igbo, they fail to understand that when the South-West chose to remain on their own as opposition, they did not go near (national) power”
With the benefit of hindsight, my candid advice to the Igbo nation is that it is time for them to collectively pull themselves out of their current state of lethargy and do their spadework if they truly want to be the ethnic nationality calling the shots in Aso Rock Villa in 2023.
Need l say more?
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, development strategist, an alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos.
The conversation continues on: www.magnum.ng
How To Become The President Of Nigeria, 2023.
Beyond the Rotation of Presidency between the north and south arrangement, which seems to be taking up a huge chunk of media space as 2023 general elections loom large, there are other critical factors that are nuanced but Germaine to the matter of who becomes the president of Nigeria in 2023. The word on the streets is that the fast-approaching 2023 presidential contest would as usual be a two-horse race between the ruling All Progressive Party, APC, and the main opposition, People Democratic Party, PDP. It is also being predicted that the battle would be waged between former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of PDP and former Lagos state governor, Bola Tinubu of APC.
The permutations that the ex-Vice President would fly the flag of the main opposition, PDP, and ex Lagos state governor is likely the flag bearer for the ruling party, APC may be based on the first mover’s advantage being enjoyed by the duo who happen to have been the most visible and active politicians that are angling for the presidency from both parties at this point in time.
But the question of who would become the candidate for the presidency in 2023 still depends on if the ruling party, APC zones the presidency to the south as agreed when the coalition of opposition political parties against the ruling party PDP was in the making in 2013/14. In the event that the presidential power shift agreement is upheld, then Bola Tinubu who was instrumental to APC clinching the presidency in 2015 would be waiting in the wings to collect the flag.
And in the case of the PDP, the possibility of the presidential candidate being Atiku Abubakar would become clearer , if the party accepts the Bala Mohammed-led committee recommendations that the main opposition party jettisons her presidential power rotation policy and declare the ticket open to all interested parties.
Should the foregoing proposition become manifest, the PDP may decide to rally once again behind Atiku Abubakar, her presidential candidate in 2019.
But the aforementioned simple calculus about who becomes the president of Nigeria in 2023 is just scratching the surface. That’s simply because the politics of the presidency of Nigeria is more complex than what meets the eyes.
Consequently, given the complexities of the ethnoreligious issues in the country, particularly with respect to the unprecedented levels of insecurity of lives and properties, and how polarized the society currently is owing to a wide division on the issue of ethnicity and religion, both the ruling and main opposition parties are yet to hold their conventions which is unusual because it is barely 20 months to the 2023 general elections.
The delay is partly because both parties are shadowing each other so as to be guided in their decision about whether the presidential pendulum would remain in the north or swing to the south.
The slack in holding their conventions is also exacerbated by the fact that both parties are currently facing leadership schisms.
Given the cracks on the wall of the political parties caused by the internal wrangling, a factor that could prove fatal to both parties if they go into the 2023 general elections as fractured entities, holding a party convention to set the agenda for the general elections in 2023 appears to be in abeyance until they are able to put their respective houses in order.
As the conventional wisdom dictates ‘a house divided can not stand’.
Therefore, the sooner both the ruling and main opposition parties settle the rifts within their ranks, the better their chances of victory in the 2023 general elections.
While the APC is led by a caretaker committee headed by Mai Mala Buni, the seating governor of Yobe state, which is deemed as illegal in some quarters, because the APC party constitution forbids anyone in an executive position doubling as the party’s chairman, opinion from another quarter in the same party is that the Buni led Caretaker committee of the party is legitimate and in order.
Similarly, the PDP leadership is being tossed up and down like a ship caught in a stormy sea by a series of lawsuits (4 in number) sacking the chairman, Uche Secondus two times, and another reinstating him to the position twice. As the embattled Secondus insists that his tenure as chairman does not expire until December, his traducers vow that he has been sacked at both the ward and national levels and a convention would be held in October to replace him. Should Secondus’s contentions be ignored and elections are held in October to elect the new National Working Committee, NWC members, and thereafter the Supreme Court gives judgment in his favor, the decisions of the executives to be elected in October would be ultra vires.
Presently, the jury is still out on the matter of legality besetting the leadership of both the ruling APC and the main opposition party, PDP.
While the legal battles remain unsettled, one thing for sure is that there would be cataclysmic implications for both parties, if the courts contradict the advice of the legal counsels to the respective parties upon which their present actions are predicated.
In view of the energy that both the ruling and main opposition parties are dissipating in internal conflicts, instead of designing and releasing manifestoes which they should be
selling to Nigerians right now, untangling the noose which they may have unwittingly tied around their own necks is currently palpably giving the leadership of both parties indigestion.
So given the web of legal complications shackling the leadership of both the ruling and main opposition parties, the implementation of the recommendations of the committees independently set up by both parties to chart the way forward for our beloved country may be in jeopardy as they are no longer in the front burner. Rather, the proposals are gathering dust in the archives at a time that both parties should be trying to woo the electorate by sharing with them the positive changes that the masses should expect in the coming dispensation if given the opportunity to call the shots in Aso Rock Villa from 2023. The package of a new approaches to governance including presidential power rotation between the south and north as well as the restructuring of the political system that are the major policy planks upon which the ruling and main opposition parties can predicate their manifestos that can motivate the Nigerian masses into having faith in politics, and which are policies that are supposed to have been captured in the reports of both the APC and PDP committees awaiting ratification by the respective parties, have been overshadowed by the cases in the courts as the leaders are being preoccupied with quelling insurrections within their parties.
On the part of the PDP, whereas there are indications that it would like to continue with its policy of rotating the presidency between the north and south, which has proven to be a winning formula and the ingredient for its pan Nigeria outlook, it is not clear whether it would nominate a southerner as its presidential candidate. That is owed to an apparent dearth of presidential ‘material’ in the south East whose turn it is, (on an equity basis) to produce Nigeria’s next president in 2023.
In the absence of somebody with national stature, formidable financial resources (a war chest of at least N100 billion naira ), and national name recognition, the question is: would pragmatism compel the PDP to keep the game open for the best candidate from any part of the country based on Meritocracy and in tandem with the recommendation of the Bala Mohamed led committee that was set up to chart the way forward for the former ruling party after her repeated loss of the presidency to the incumbent ruling political
Party, APC, and president, Mohammadu Buhari in 2015 and 2019?
Assuming the PDP decides to sustain the zoning calculus, which PDP politician even from
the entire southern states have the national exposure, stature, and financial resources?
There appears to be no candidate currently in the arena or horizon. As there seems to be no Igbo man/woman with name recognition nationally in the political arena and who posses a magnetic force that can pull together the Igbos, who are by nature republicans, the Igbo quest for the presidency in 2023 may be in jeopardy. Of course, there are Igbo politicians with average name recognition, but lack the nationwide structure and financial muscle. Those that readily come to mind are, Emmanuel Iwuayanwu and Peter Obi.
The former is the owner of a defunct national newspaper – Champion and proprietor of an erstwhile popular football club-Iwuayanwu Babes which made him a household name. But he is now too old to be president and in retirement from active politics.
Some would like to make a case for Peter Obi-former Anambra state governor and vice presidential candidate in 2019. But does he have a robust nationwide structure or platform like the PDM projecting him? I think not.
While it is true that youths admire him for his understanding of street economics that he exhibits online and some Nigerians admire his frugality, but it takes much more than those two qualities to be the president of Nigeria in 2023. It took the military class and political platform of late Musa Yar’adua’s (elder brother to Umaru Yar’adua and former chief of staff supreme headquarters under Obasanjo’s military regime) PDM to make Olusegun Obasanjo president in 1999. And as a seating president, it also took Obasanjo’s personal effort to reward the Yar’adua family for rendering their support to him pre 1999 by equally supporting Umaru Yar’adua (of blessed memory) to become president in 2007.
Ex-president Goodluck Jonathan idiomatically had his palm kernel cracked by benevolent spirits when Yar’adua passed away in 2010 and the ‘doctrine of necessity propelled him from Vice President to President for two years after which he leveraged the power of incumbency to get himself re-elected as president in 2011.
As for the current incumbent, MohammaduBuhari, he succeeded on a fourth attempt only after Bola Tinubu, ex Lagos state governor who was effectively the leader and controller of politics in Yoruba land in 2015 swung the Yoruba votes in his favor after a successful combination of multiple opposition political parties to unseat then ruling party, PDP. Now, as a side comment, not many people recognize the role that the late Balarabe Musa, one-time governor of Kaduna state played in getting opposition parties to forge a common front against the ruling party.
Only a slew of Nigerians may recall that he is the one that started the concept of fusion of opposition parties. Although he did not succeed in 2007 and 2011, his idea gathered momentum and made it easy for the initiative to be attractive to politicians, especially those of Buhari’s CPC that had made three previous attempts at clinching the presidency and failed. Even Tinubu’s ACN that fielded Nuhu Ribadu, the former anti-corruption tzar as a presidential candidate, and Fola Adeola, ex Gtbank co-founder and managing director, as a vice-presidential candidate, also lost woefully.
That is perhaps owing to the power of incumbency that makes it extraordinarily difficult to unseat a candidate in office except a catastrophic event happens.
Returning to the matter of presidential ‘material’ of Igbo extraction for the 2023 presidential race, unfortunately, Peter Obi, the only active Igbo politician with some footprints beyond Igbo land does not possess the type of political clout commanded by Alex Ekwueme of blessed memory who served as Vice President in the presidency of Shehu Shagari, (1979-83) and also led the G-34 that took on then military head of state, Sani Abacha and succeeded in ending the military dictatorship. Owing to the republican nature of the Igbos, Ekwueme suffered a whiff of the negative effect of Igbo republicanism after he was once again propelled into national prominence with the G-34 in 1998. It is on record that as soon as Ekwueme was proposed by the late Lawal Keita during a G-34 meeting as the presidential candidate following the demise of the military dictator, Sani Abacha, instead of rallying around him, other Igbo leaders went back home to declare their own presidential ambitions. That internal rebellion ended up fracturing Ekwueme’s support base which led to his subsequent loss in the party primaries to president Olusegun Obasanjo who was the preferred candidate of the ruling military class at that time. So, for an Igbo to become a presidential candidate for 2023 and for him/her to have the chance of winning, that person must have structures in the three major tribes of Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani in addition to the home base.
The late Isa Funtua said it best in one of his profound television interviews in early 2020 when he narrated how Ekwueme worked towards becoming the Vice presidential candidate to Shehu Shagari during the second republic in 1979. Here is what he had to say about Igbo politicians.
“They should belong. They should join the party. They want to do things on their own and because they are Igbo, we should dash them to the presidency? That was the reason I asked if it is turned by turn Nigeria limited.
“You are talking about politics, which is an issue of votes. My very good friend of blessed memory, MKO Abiola defeated Bashir Tofa in Kano. Was MKO Abiola from Kano? But he defeated Bashir in his town, Kano. Why? Because the man played politics, he embraced everybody.
“Ekwueme of blessed memory was my boss. We campaigned for him throughout this country. Nobody will carry you like a newly born baby.
With due respect to the Igbo, they fail to understand that when the South-West chose to remain on their own as opposition, they did not go near ( national) power”
In essence, the late Mallam Funtua was basically telling the Igbos that they have to sow political seeds beyond Igbo land which is what enabled MKO Abiola to beat Bashir Tofa in Kano. Recall that Abiola was a pillar of sports and a football club owner too.
While emphasizing Abiola’s winning formula,
Mallam Funtua offered the Igbos what looked like a basic tutorial on how to become the president of Nigeria, 2023. Hear him:
“If you send him (Abiola) an invitation from any part of the country, he will be there. If not, his representative will be there to make his contribution”
Invariably, becoming a national figure does not happen over the night except you are a soldier that seized political power via a coup de tat which is the case of Olusegun Obasanjo and Mohammadu Buhari who later became president of our country at different times. My free advice to future presidential candidates is: in order to gain popularity and recognition ahead of your presidential contests, own football clubs like Abiola and Iwuayanwu and also be newspaper proprietors like the duo.
Just as the PDP leadership is in quandary as to how it could find an Igho man with presidential stature to fly its flag in 2023, the APC may suffer a similar dilemma of being unable to find a presidential material from amongst the Igbos in the event that it decides to promote equity and inclusiveness of all the nationalities which the Nasir El-Rufai committee recommended and which president Buhari seems to be amenable to, going by his positive response to the case for a lgbo presidency when a question in that regard was posed to him by Rueben Abati in an ice-breaking AriseTv interview with the president. Since the ruling party, APC leaders may not be disposed to the southwest producing the president twice given the fact that ex-president Olusegun
Obasanjo that is Yoruba had served from 1999-2007, it may not be expedient to, (as is being speculated) field as her presidential candidate the party’s national leader, Bola Tinubu – a former governor of Lagos state and the foremost political godfather in the southwest. That is basically because it would inequitable for another president to emerge from the Yoruba land while the other member ethnic nationalities in the zone stand aside and look. So the APC may have to rely on the creative ingenuity of its think tank to resolve the logjam without the liability of the acrimony that could cause the party to implode.
On the part of the PDP, in the absence of an Igbo man/woman of the significant stature of, for instance, an Obasanjo or Buhari when they contested for the office in 1999 and 2003-2015 respectively, it may be pragmatic for her to build on the success that it had achieved with her three (3)times presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar who contested for the presidency in 2007 against Umaru Yar’adua of blessed memory and squared up with Goodluck Jonathan in 2011 and then president Buhari in 2019.
If ex Vice President Abubakar picks up the gauntlet for a fourth (4th) shot at the presidency in 2023, ( and it appears that he is inclined to do so) he could achieve the goal with a lgbo Vice Presidential candidate who would acquire national stature in the fours years that he would serve under an Atiku Abubakar presidency. That would be a sort of mentorship arrangement for the new Vice President who would be propped up to take over after Atiku Abubakar serves only one term instead of the two terms that he is constitutionally entitled to.
The unique proposition is underscored by the fact that Abubakar who is currently 74 years old in November, would be 76 in 2023 and maybe too old to seek re-election in 2027 when he would be 80.
Nelson Mandela, the late ex-president of South Africa served only one term and bowed out due to age and president Joe Biden of the USA would likely also do so by handing over to Vice President Kamala Harris after his first term as he would be 82 years older in 2024.
I am not unaware that the proposition is inconsistent with the expectations of the Igbos and therefore would be susceptible to resistance. But it is an innovative solution to an apparent political lacuna arising from the non-availability of a lgbo man with the political clout to be the president of Nigeria in 2023.
The unique proposal above needs no further elucidation for those that are ready to think out of the box in order to figure out that it would lead to a win-win outcome for the Igbo nation, Atiku Abubakar, and the PDP. That is more so as it would be an action borne out of necessity. Take for instance, the ‘doctrine of necessity that was enacted by the National Assembly, NASS to save our democracy in 2010 when president Yar’adua suddenly passed away and the constitution did not make provision for automatic take over of the presidency by the Vice President resulting in a lacuna. Certain situations require specific innovative actions and politics is about deal-making so the Igbos and Atiku Abubakar would have to be guided by the prevailing circumstances in the country, and put on their creative thinking caps.
By the way, should Atiku Abubakar throw his political hat into the ring for the fourth time, he would be in good company. That is because the incumbent president, Buhari is known to have vied for the presidency four (4) times before he succeeded in 2015. Going farther ashore, one-time prime minister of England, Harold Wilson is also known to have contested for the office a record four (4) times before he succeeded in becoming UK’s prime minister. As evidenced by the cases referenced above, there is virtue in building on a foundation already laid which is underscored by the principle of incremental value based upon the power of repetition which helps transition a skill from the conscious to the subconscious. Having vied for the office three times, it can be imagined that becoming the President of Nigeria must have by now become easier for Atiku Abubakar, who is also a treasure trove of sorts about the governance of Nigeria since he has served as vice president for 8 years alongside president Olusegun Obasanjo, from 1999-2007.
Akin to the dire straits in which the PDP finds itself with respect to sourcing a presidential candidate of Igbo stock in the fast-approaching presidential election in 2023, and of which its last resort may be to also fall back on the good old efficacious strategy of adding more blocks to an existing solid foundation, rather than starting from ground zero, the APC which is similarly grappling with the death of a presidential candidate of Igbo extraction with national name recognition may be left with no better option than to consider adopting the PDP formula for dealing with the complex 2023 presidency game that appears to be as complicated as chess Olympiad.
And one of such innovative approach would be for the APC to settle for or adopt the immediate past president Goodluck Jonathan, who the rumor mill claim is already being wooed by the ruling party, with the consent of President Buhari that is presumed to be championing the candidacy of Jonathan as president in 2023.
In the event that Jonathan cross carpets from the PDP to the APC and he is fielded as the ruling party’s presidential candidate in 2023, what would become of the morality of the APC leadership which in the first four (4) years of its being in power has made a fetish of demonizing Jonathan and his presidency as clueless, reckless and corruption personified?
Would it not be hypocritical and amount to the ruling party swallowing its own vomit? Does such a scenario not re-echo the situation that arose during the last Edo state gubernatorial contest whereby then APC chairman and former Edo state governor, Adams Oshiomole did an about-face by backing Osagie Ize-Iyamu, ‘pelebe’ whom he had practically destroyed via a vicious campaign when Ize-Iyamu was the candidate of then opposition party, PDP in the state’s governorship election in 2016?
It may be recalled that following a vicious supremacy battle between Oshiomole and his erstwhile protégée, Edo state governor, Godwin Obaseki, the latter switched parties from APC to PDP and the table turned when Ize-Iyamu got adopted by his nemesis in the previous election-Oshiomole, and he thus became the APC candidate in the 2020 governorship election.
Keeping in mind the experience of what Edo state voters did to demystify the presumed godfather of Edo state politics, Adams Oshiomole who was alleged to have been playing god by approbating and reprobating, hence the electorate literarily pulled the carpet from under his feet by voting for Obaseki while shunning Ize-Iyamu, his preferred candidate.
By that gesture, Edo people exhibited uncommon political awareness and voting savviness which Nigerians could replicate at the national level, should the APC field Goodluck Jonathan as her presidential candidate in 2023.
The question is: should the politically fatal outcome of the elections in Edo state not be an ominous sign and lesson for the APC to learn the consequences of playing with the intelligence of the electorate which the fielding of Goodluck Jonathan as APC’s presidential candidate in 2023 would boil down to?
Of course, many more twists and turns on the road to Aso Rock Villa in 2023 are expected.
Because there abound in both the APC and PDP alike, other political juggernauts who are also preparing for the race to Aso Rock Villa seat of power but are yet to come out of the closet to formally declare their interests.
Of all of them, only Bola Tinubu, a very formidable contender earlier mentioned is currently the APC candidate from the south that has tacitly shown interest in becoming the president of Nigeria, 2023 via body language. All the other consequential contenders, particularly from the north are clearly tarring awhile perhaps because they prefer not to beat the gun by jumping into the contest before the leader of the party, President Buhari green-lights it.
On the side of the PDP, there are the immediate past Senate President Bukola Saraki and the current governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal. The aforementioned PDP stalwarts faced off in the primaries for the elections in 2019 which Atiku Abubakar won leveraging the PDM advantage. Subsequently, Saraki with candor remarkably became the campaign director-general for Atiku Abubakar’s campaign, his erstwhile rival, and which was quite an extraordinary demonstration of togetherness by the leadership of PDP. And a lot of the credit for the peaceful and decorous conduct of the PDP presidential primary elections for 2019, is attributable to IfeanyiOkowa, Delta state governor-led committee that dexterously executed the task.
Since both the APC and PDP are yet to officially decide on whether they would be sustaining the unwritten rotation of presidency agreement between the south and north, a zoning system that has been in practice since 1999; some of the potential presidential candidates may also be holding their peace in expectation of the outcome of the much-awaited conventions which both the ruling and main opposition parties have been postponing with a view to first of all settling internal wrangling that could trigger implosion, if not dexterously managed. Tellingly, the APC had shifted the date of her convention from October to December when the PDC fixed her convention for December. But as things currently stand, the PDP has moved the date of her convention forward to October, APC’s originally chosen date.
That implies that the political parties may also be deliberately pushing the date that their conventions would hold back and forth or very close to the general election date so that it may be too late for aggrieved politicians to cross carpet to other parties to contest for elective offices if they do not agree with the new policy directions of their existing political platforms.
Whatever the case may be, one thing that is certain is that the jostle for the presidency of Nigeria in 2023 would be more complex than any other election.
One of the reasons for the assertion above is that owing to the high caliber of contenders and how polarized our country has become, the journey to the presidency which has very high stakes would be fraught with twists and turns as the candidates would have to navigate their ways through tribal, cultural and religious cliffs, valleys, rapids, and mountains which currently define our political landscape.
For instance, it is the first time that southern governors would speak with the same voice on the vexed issue of open grazing of cattle and the consequential deadly herders /farmers clashes that have created alarming human casualties which they unanimously agreed should be banned.
Additionally, irrespective of the political platforms that they belong to, southern states governors have also resolved that the presidency should return to the south upon the expiration of President Buhari’s tenure in 2023. How can we forget the Value Added Tax, VAT wrangling that has caused further polarization of Nigeria as the apparent inequity in its collection and sharing has pitched the south against the north, Christians against Muslims with respect to the hypocrisy of VAT collected on alcohol being shared to states in the north that regard consumption of alcohol as taboo. So in many ways than one, with Lagos state joining in the legal battle initiated by Nyesom Wike, governor of Rivers state currently gaining momentum, resource control is no longer a mere Niger delta struggle, as it is assuming a new dimension with VAT wars in the courts as proxy and potential game-changer.
Apart from the gentleman agreement hashed out during the 1994/5 national conference for presidential power to swing between the north and south, with the south taking the first shot with Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidency under the umbrella of PDP as then ruling party, elder statesman, ex-governor of Ogun state and media royalty, Segun Osoba has on multiple occasions in media interviews confirmed that there was also an agreement between the leaders of the parties that fused together to return the presidency to the south after residing for eight (8) years in the north. The agreement was reached in the cause of the multiple political parties’ merger talks that were held between 2013/14 and subsequently birthed the APC.
Ordinarily, the Southern governors could be said to be re-affirming an existing agreement. But their northern counterparts do not see it as such. Instead, they deem the decision of the southern governors as an imposition. Apparently, the northern governors are affronted by the fact that what should have been negotiated was turned into a grandstanding affair. Hopefully, after the initial filibustering which is a major part of politics, both the southern governors who needed to show their constituents that they are not Lily-livered, but possess some spunk and the northern governors who may be intent on getting something in return for the likely impending concession of the presidency to the south in 2023, which is typical of politicians who often get a kick from horse-trading, would settle their differences.
In the event that the PDP fields Atiku Abubakar, (the wind seem to be behind his back) and Bukola Saraki once more graciously accepts to be his campaign director-general, a role he played in 2019, Abubakar would be squaring up against Goodluck Jonathan, if the APC decides to feature the former president as its candidate, which is possible, based on the rumors that have been swirling around about president Buhari having a soft spot for him. And it would be an epic battle since that would be the second time that Atiku Abubakar and Goodluck Jonathan would be locking horns politically. The first was during the PDP primaries in 2011 of which Jonathan as the incumbent president walked away with the victory trophy.
Would the momentum which Atiku Abubakar had built up in the course of his last presidential contest in 2019 stand him in better stead to win the contest against Jonathan and subsequently the presidency the forth time around?
Likewise , in the event that Goodluck Jonathan emerges APC’s presidential flag bearer in 2023, can he leverage the goodwill that he enjoyed as president from 2011 up to 2015 to win the contest against Abubakar a second time ?
As the saying goes, you do not change a winning team. So would the APC be giving transport minister, Rotimi Amaechi , a two time director general of Buhari campaign organization, the responsibility to ‘deliver’ Jonathan as he did for Buhari in 2015 and 2019?
Being the one who literarily ignited the fire that engulfed the ruling party, PDP and which eventually consumed Jonathan politically, would a scenario whereby Amaechi is Jonathan’s presidential campaign director be possible? In the event that it happens, it would be interesting to see how Amaechi markets Jonathan.
It would also be such a perfect imperfection, especially if Bukola Saraki also becomes Atiku Abubakar’s campaign director general.
In that case, there would be a replay of the 2019 presidential campaign scenario where both Saraki and Amaechi were the chief drivers of the presidential campaigns of both the opposition and ruling parties respectively.
Should Saraki and Amaechi go toe to toe again as presidential campaign directors in 2023, would Saraki get the wrong end of the stick again or would he trump Amaechi this time around ?
And the quirks do not end there.
That is because how to become the president of Nigeria in 2023 has been occupying the mind of former military president, Ibrahim Babangida. Thankfully, the man tagged Maradona for his ability to dribble politically and labeled evil genius for having the cleverness to stage bloodless coup and the confidence to willingly give away military power where others could have dug in their heels in Aso Rock Villa by hook or crook , is not Intrested in the presidency for himself.
In a recent interview granted AriseTv , Babangida, who was Nigeria’s military head of state from 1985 to 1993, and recently clocked 80 years , offered a template of who should be Nigeria’s president in 2023.
Below is IBB’s recipe of the Characteristics that should be internal and external in the person who would be president of Nigeria in 2023:
“I have started visualising a good Nigerian leader. That is, a person, who travels across the country and has a friend virtually everywhere he travels to and he knows at least one person that he can communicate with.
“That is a person, who is very verse in economics and is also a good politician, who should be able to talk to Nigerians and so on. I have seen one, or two or three of such persons already in his sixties.”
The retired military general’s audacious expectation is not without foundation. It is underscored by the fact that general Babangida (retd) is one of the young military officers involved in the counter coup of July 1966 after the major Kaduna Nzeogu led putsch of 1966 barely six (6) years post-independence from the British colonialists and self governance. He did so as an army Lieutenant along side the likes of Major TY Danjuma and Muhammadu Buhari, also an army Lieutenant at the time.
Subsequently, Babangida was involved in the coup that ousted General , Yakubu Gowon, who was replaced with the late , General Murtala Mohamed in 1976. After that , he was also instrumental to the coup that installed Mohammadu Buhari on 31/12/1983 and he eventually led the putsch that also toppled the same general Buhari in a bloodless coup detat in 1985.
So the story about Babangida’s involvement in coups resulting in the suspension of the practice of democracy and the consequential legendary leadership challenges that Nigeria has been grappling with , is similar to the African folkloric narrative about the tortoise which is always involved in every story of sinister activities.
For the reasons above, some Nigerians are questioning lBB’s moral standing and justification for his pontification on the personification of the president of Nigeria in 2023. More so because he actually ‘ stepped aside’ (more or less abdicated office) in 1994 after failing to steer the drifting ship of state into calm waters. Rather he allegedly drove the ship of state of Nigeria to the edge of a water fall before literarily abandoning the ship.
The counter argument to those espousing anti-Babangida rhetorics would be that ,since the octogenarian military icon has been watching from the sidelines from as far back as 1993,(28 years ago) he must have learnt a thing or two that might have given him a better world view and understanding of the trouble with Nigeria, apologies to Chinua Achebe, author of the famous book: The Trouble With Nigeria.
Hence he has decided to weigh in with his wise counsel on the way forward for our beloved country.
The bottomline is that whether most of us agree or disagree with Babangida’s definition and characterization of who would be the president of Nigeria in 2023 , he has had his say and the rest of us can have our way by voting for our preferred candidate .
That is the beauty of democracy which stipulates that while the minority will have their say , the majority will carry the vote.
ONYIBE, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst ,author, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts university, Massachusetts, USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from lagos.
The conversation continues on Magnum.ng.

