During his inauguration on May 29, 2023, President Bola Tinubu announced, in the course of his speech, the end of the over four-decade-old subsidy on the pump price of petrol in Nigeria.
About three and a half years later, in his role as President of Nigeria and at the helm of political affairs and in control of the socioeconomic activities of the nation, that bold but painful decision to end the petrol subsidy, which had become unsustainable and a major drain on Nigeria’s resources, appears to be yielding benefits.
Although the gains of the bold economic reforms embarked upon by the Tinubu administration are yet to trickle down to the masses at the bottom rung of the economic ladder, who continue to feel the pain, even Tinubu’s political rivals and critics agree that the country’s macroeconomic indices have witnessed significant improvements since the President ascended to the Aso Rock seat of power on May 29, 2023.
These gains include a rise in economic growth from 2.51% in 2023 to 4.43% in 2026, as well as an increase in foreign reserves from $33.22 billion in 2023, when Tinubu assumed office, to a current high of $54.6 billion—an increase of about $21 billion in roughly three and a half years.
The huge profits being recorded by financial institutions, telecommunications firms and other industries, particularly in the services sector, as opposed to the manufacturing sector, which is still operating under very difficult conditions, are some of the indications that President Tinubu has gotten it right at the macroeconomic level.
For instance, the 11 biggest banks listed on the Nigerian Exchange reportedly earned N6.7 trillion in 2024 and 2025, while they raked in N6.4 trillion in profit before tax and are on track to make even more profits by the time the 2026 financial year ends.
It is not much different in the telecommunications sector, particularly for MTN and Airtel, whose combined profits have risen to about N1.5 trillion in the 2025/2026 financial year.
All these profits being generated by firms that have sustained their faith in Nigeria are evidence that the Tinubu reforms are working. There is no doubt that the buoyancy of these firms at the macroeconomic level reflects, among other factors, the benefits of greater availability, stability and predictability in the foreign exchange market.
Consequently, the reforms have boosted confidence in the economy. The restoration of stability and predictability—critical elements that enhance decision-making, business planning and the sourcing of inputs—has addressed challenges that were previously difficult, if not impossible, to overcome in the Nigerian business environment.
Put succinctly, once the lack of transparency in sourcing foreign exchange, and by extension raw materials, which characterised the previous regime of multiple FX windows, leading to price volatility and corruption, was addressed, the situation began to change.
That previous regime had forced some firms to shut down or migrate to neighbouring countries. With the emergence of a more predictable supply of foreign exchange and the subsequent ability to source raw materials to feed factories, a much-needed respite was provided to investors, both local and international.
This, in turn, made it easier for the renewed vigour with which new and existing investors are taking stakes in the Nigerian economy to emerge.
What makes this development even more encouraging is that it is happening despite the global economic upheavals currently rocking the world.
The improved activities in the manufacturing sector, driven in part by the removal of bottlenecks affecting the inflow and outflow of funds into the Nigerian economy, are among the factors responsible for the increase in actual Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), which has risen to a current level of $2.06 billion, representing a 4.3% increase since 2023.
This is exclusive of the $50 billion in investment pledges contained in the 87 Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) announced since May 2023, including Exxon’s $10 billion commitment, Indorama’s $8 billion investment and Hydro Polis’s €9.2 billion proposal, among others.
As lofty as these MOUs appear, however, they remain largely commitments on paper and, by their nature, have long gestation periods—sometimes extending beyond the lifespan of the administrations that initiated them.
Hence, the benefits outlined above are yet to trickle down sufficiently to the masses at the microeconomic level. This explains the hue and cry at the grassroots, even as businesses operating at the macroeconomic level are, so to speak, basking and revelling in wealth.
All these attest to the remarkable accomplishments of the incumbent administration at the macroeconomic level, as acknowledged by respected economists and rating agencies, both locally and internationally. Indeed, President Tinubu’s opponents have been compelled to acknowledge these improvements by no longer attacking the administration over macroeconomic issues such as businesses fleeing Nigeria, dwindling or inadequate foreign exchange reserves at the CBN, lack of FX to import goods and services, and low crude oil production, all of which hindered economic growth and were major talking points during the 2023 elections.
As the race to the 2027 general elections picks up steam, and macroeconomic indicators continue to look robust, these issues are no longer tenable as major areas of attack. This has necessitated a shift in campaign focus towards microeconomic issues, particularly the high cost of living, of which the spike in the cost of petrol is a major component.
Fortunately for the incumbent administration, there is a universal culprit for the high cost of living: the global energy upheaval and crisis arising from the ongoing Iran-US/Israel conflict, which has led to the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20% of the world’s energy supplies pass. The resulting lack of availability has triggered higher petrol prices, making the cost of fuel pivotal to the cost-of-living crisis, as it directly impacts transportation costs, which in turn drive up food prices. All these factors culminate in the current hardship being endured by a critical mass of Nigerians.
Incidentally, the negative impact of rising petrol prices is not peculiar to Nigeria. Many commentators have been referencing the palliatives that countries around the world have offered their citizens, including the removal of taxes on petroleum products, as petrol prices in some states in the US, such as California, have risen to as high as $7 per gallon.
It was this comparison that Edo State Governor Monday Okpebholo attempted to make, but he was misunderstood or misinterpreted by social media users, who criticised him for making the comparison. I guess his point was simply that the spike in petrol prices is a universal phenomenon.
Be that as it may, it is gratifying that, buoyed by positive indicators about the resilience of the Nigerian economy, factories that had fled to more conducive environments are showing renewed interest in Nigeria and returning, even as many more new investors are taking stakes in the Nigerian economy.
Furthermore, the positive indicators suggesting that there is light at the end of the tunnel, which President Tinubu has tried to assure Nigerians is in sight, are becoming increasingly evident. Even the influential Financial Times of London is reporting that global deal-making has declined, yet it is picking up in Nigeria, as evidenced by the catalogue of deals recently signed by Nigeria—from New York, USA, during UNGA 81, to President Tinubu’s working visit to Paris, France.
This is just as the equally influential Economist magazine of London is reporting that Tinubu will be re-elected in 2027, although a critical mass of Nigerians are still in the throes of hardship, with a large number still, metaphorically speaking, in the Intensive Care Unit (ICU) and President Tinubu is making the case that the Nigerian economy has passed its worst period. He has buttressed this claim with the robust macroeconomic indicators that he has showcased. If this trajectory is sustained, the incumbent administration will likely be re-elected in 2027. In any case, history teachees that unless there is a dissaster which an incumbent mismanaged, they hardly loss re-election. Donald Trump in the US lost due to covid19. Except of course there is a coallition of opposition parties ganging up against the incumbent as was the case in Nigeria in 2015 when five (5) parties teamed up to unseat PDP presidency with Goodluck Jonathan defeated by Mohamadu Buhari.
In my view, Nigerians do not need a soothsayer to tell us that the APC may well be re-elected to the Aso Rock Villa in 2027. The signs are already there.
Of all the by-elections recently held in constituencies across the country, the APC won all except one. That speaks volumes.
Historically, during the run-up to the 2019 general elections, there was a widespread perception that former President Muhammadu Buhari’s poor performance in office would prevent him from being re-elected. But the power of incumbency, coupled with an opposition that was in disarray, worked in his favour, and he won re-election.
Similarly, Tinubu, as a candidate, won the presidency in 2023 against all the internal and external odds stacked against him, even though he did not have a record of national leadership accomplishments to promote as the basis for his candidacy.
Today, however, he has a lot to show for his leadership including putting our country on top the Bloomberg list of 90 nations including all African nations with the best foreign investors attraction. Thus he has become the leader who has arguably impacted Nigeria the most through bold and consequential reforms, particularly the removal of the petrol subsidy and the ongoing police reforms.
A testament to Mr President’s assertion that the “age of prosperity is here” are the following positive developments in the Nigerian economy at the macroeconomic level:
(1) JPMorgan’s listing of Nigeria in its frontier government bond index after 11 years of absence. What this does for Nigeria is potentially bring up to $17.5 billion into the country, simply because Nigeria received a rating of 7.4, which is only slightly below the maximum 8% among the 26 nations covered. This means that funds participating in the index must purchase Nigerian bonds to match the country’s rating.
(2) A reduction in lending and interest rates by banks to about 23%, which has the capacity to boost manufacturing, a sector that currently contributes about 8% to GDP and remains relatively low.
(3) The ramping up of Nigeria’s crude oil production capacity from 1.47 million barrels per day to 1.74 million barrels per day. In addition, Nigeria is about to begin harnessing its huge gas assets, much of which has been wasted through flaring for more than six decades since oil and gas were discovered in Oloibiri, in present-day Bayelsa State.
This is evidenced by Nigeria’s recent receipt of an investment commitment of up to $800 million through the IMA Gas Project Final Investment Decision, which is expected to generate jobs, with 60% of the employment opportunities going to locals.
Further to that, an estimated $3.5 billion has also been announced by the Minister of State for Petroleum, Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, as additional effective and actionable investment in the oil and gas sector.
(4) This is in addition to the Memorandum of Understanding between Nigeria and the United States in Nigeria’s N700 billion solid minerals industry, involving US companies, as conveyed in an agreement signed by Nigeria’s Minister of Solid Minerals Development, Dele Alake, and his counterpart in the United States on the sidelines of the 81st United Nations General Assembly held last month in New York, USA.
(5) While the ink used in signing the agreement in the US was yet to literally dry, back in Europe—France, to be precise—President Tinubu and Ogun State Governor Dapo Abiodun were putting pen to paper again on behalf of Nigeria with DP World for the development of another deep-sea port, the Gateway Deep Sea Port, from the Ogun State axis, near the Lekki Deep Sea Port in Lagos.
(6) Relatedly, President Tinubu’s administration, through the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy, has set out plans to upgrade seaports outside Lagos, as the Lagos ports are currently facing congestion. At the same time, the President has obtained a loan facility from Citi Bank, backed by a UK government guarantee, to refurbish the colonial-era ports in Lagos, which are still being operated largely with obsolete technology and equipment.
The initiative to reactivate the currently underutilised port facilities in the South, including those in Port Harcourt, Warri and Calabar, will, willy-nilly, result in greater economic productivity through increased employment opportunities for the masses. This would, in turn, translate into the “Age of Prosperity” alluded to by President Tinubu during his Independence Day speech, but which NLC President Joe Ajaero has lamented is yet to make a meaningful impact on workers’ pockets.
The reality is that political and socioeconomic policies are unlike human beings, who can set out to move from Point A to Point B and do so with alacrity and immediate effect.
As I have argued several times in this forum, there is usually a time lag between the implementation of a policy and the manifestation of its benefits. This is evidenced by established principles of economic development, which show that it often takes more than one economic reform cycle for the benefits of reforms to fully trickle down to the wider population.
In the later part of this piece, I will return to discuss how the gap between the macroeconomic and microeconomic levels can be closed faster, so that the masses can begin to experience succour sooner than they would if the conventional methods were followed.
What the significant gains at the macroeconomic level reflect is that considerable wealth is being amassed by the big players in the economy, such as oil and gas companies, banks, fintechs and telecommunications firms, which recorded huge profits in the last financial year.
But these gains have yet to percolate down to the pockets, kitchens and dining tables of a critical mass of Nigerians who are still groaning in pain, and whom President Tinubu assured during his October 1 broadcast that “Joy Is Coming,” echoing the hit song by Nigerian music artiste Awosika Josiah, popularly known as Fido.
Based on the principles of trickle-down economics, the wealth accruing at the macroeconomic level is supposed to trickle down to the microeconomic level. But that will not happen until the funds accruing to wealth creators and aggregators at the macro level are invested in businesses, particularly factories, that will create jobs for the masses.
That is basically how wealth trickles down.
For clarity, FDI—whether in the form of “hot money” through portfolio investments or genuine equity investments in companies and factories—first flows into the macroeconomic space.
The players in that space are wealthy individuals, entrepreneurs and industrialists who are in a position to engage in local ventures in partnership with international investors because they have access to significant capital.
Foreign investors, therefore, do not typically partner directly with NLC members, teachers, journalists, carpenters, bricklayers, drivers or even professionals such as lawyers, medical doctors, nurses and architects who are not entrepreneurs. Such individuals, at best, occupy the middle-class space or, at worst, remain at the bottom rung of the economic ladder.
Arising from the above, it is only when entrepreneurs who occupy the macroeconomic space invest in businesses by setting up factories and other enterprises that employ engineers, machinists, crane and forklift operators, drivers and other workers that wealth can begin to trickle down.
It is through employment in these businesses that income is earned and prosperity generated, ultimately resulting in the trickle-down effect at the microeconomic level that we are all clamouring for and which many people refer to as the dividends of democracy.
Unfortunately, however, it sometimes takes between 24 and 36 months for a factory to be established.
If in doubt, let us ask Aliko Dangote, who, despite being the richest man in Africa, spent about seven years setting up the $20 billion, 650,000-barrel-per-day refinery in Nigeria.
Even with the experience he has gained from establishing and operating the refinery in Lekki, Lagos, his new venture, Dangote Refinery in Lamu, Kenya, is expected to take about three years to complete.
Given the scenario above, which clearly demonstrates that major investments can sometimes take as long as seven years, and at least 24 to 36 months in the case of a factory, Nigerians should realistically not expect prosperity at the microeconomic level to materialise sooner than President Tinubu is projecting.
After all, he has only been in charge of affairs in our country for a little over three and a half years.
But the long-suffering Nigerians need to be enlightened about the realities outlined above—where they are coming from and where they are going—before they can be convinced about the hope that the ruling APC and President Tinubu are selling and be persuaded to buy into it.
Compararively, both centralizing policing system and offering subsidy for petrol at the pump were supposed to be temporary measures to take care of certain emergencies that arose before the civil war in 1967 and shortly after the war in 1973 by then head of state, Gen Yakubu Gowon.
In the case of centralized policing, it was meant to ensure the unity of Nigeria after a regional government attempted to separate itself from Nigeria using local police in 1967.The crushing of the separatists resulted in the unfortunate civil war that lasted 3 years with millions lives lost and infrastructure destroyed massively. And for fifty nine (59) years to date, a temporary policy became entrenched and metamorphosed into a permanent policy even when the sort of threat that prompted the policy no longer existed.
In a piece titled Petrol Dependency Syndrome in one of my interventions in this column a month ago, l recalled that at about the same time,in 1973 to be precise,which is some 53 years ago, a temporary messure was also put in place to cushion the effect of a sharp oil price drop in the international market following an outbreak of conflict between lsrael and the Arab world known as Yom Kippur war. Arab oil producers in sympathy with Egypt that invaded Israel launched what was referred to OPEC oil embargo. That event quadrupled the price of crude oil from $3 to $12 dollars. To help Nigerians deal with the shock, again then head of state, Gen.Gowon made the decision to subsidize the price of petroleum products which was supposed to be a temporary measure. But it also became a sort of entitlement which the masses did not want to wean themselves off whereas it was the elite that had been the biggest benefactors of the largesse.
These policies became ad infinitum because an end date was not indicated when the policies were introduced or inacted as the case may.
The sort of measures that Gen.Gowon introduced to ameliorate the pain of oil price shock in 1973 are being replicated by leaders of countries in Europe, and Far East Asia who are removing tax from petroleum products to enable their citizens ride the storm of high energy cost as it were.
But the difference between Gowon’s temporary measures in 1967 by centralizng policing system and the 1973 introduction of fuel subsidy is that while in Nigeria the temporary were open ended hence it became perpetual, the Europeans and Far East Asian leaders ab initio fixed an end date to the policy measures in clearly defined manner.
Now, a cross section of Nigerians are refering to the measures taken by leaders in other jurisdictions to give their people succur against oil price shock and are calling on President Tinubu to do the same. Would the Nigerian president do as his contemporaries are doing around the world, or he would prefer not to ‘go back to Egypt’ in the manner that lsralites did not want to go back to Egypt after they crossed the red sea according to a biblical account?
Its is a call that Mr. President has to make in light of the fact that petrol price has risen by about 80%. But if he intervenes l reckon it may be through tax removal and it must have commencement and end dates.
The lesson to be learnt from public policy formulation point of view is that to avoid the type of situation that Nigeria found its self, temporary measures should always have starting and ending dates.
In light of the above, it should be clearer to all including, advocates of centralized policing that the policy has outlived its usefulness and must be jettisoned.
In my view, it is owing to a lack of enlightenment, coupled with what I consider inadequate packaging and presentation of the administration’s policies in a holistic and coherent manner, that its lofty plans and programmes are not being embraced by the masses, many of whom do not realise that most of the government’s policies have linkages to one another.
Disappointingly, the present staccato and disjointed manner in which policies and programmes critical to economic stability and buoyancy are being implemented means that their overall significance often goes unnoticed.
Hence, not many people realise that most of the ongoing port rehabilitation projects are linked to the $15 billion coastal road project from Lagos to Calabar, which will facilitate the movement of goods across the country after they arrive through the seaports and, in some cases, airports.
Also, what some of us do not seem to realise is that transportation costs constitute a significant component of the cost of doing business. They can represent as much as 40% of business costs.
Therefore, fixing the existing road network, as the Minister of Works, Engr. Dave Umahi, is doing; constructing new roads, such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and the Badagry-Sokoto Highway; and rehabilitating seaports are all interconnected components of the transportation infrastructure that affects the cost of doing business.
And, believe it or not, it is all these policy decisions put together that will ultimately provide jobs for the masses.
They represent the economic activities at the microeconomic level that can alleviate poverty and create prosperity at the grassroots level—the very prosperity President Tinubu spoke about in his Independence Day broadcast when he stated that Nigeria had moved beyond a particular period of hardship and entered the “Age of Prosperity.”
My point is that recent actions in the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy align with the renaming and restructuring of the former Ministry of Transport into a ministry dedicated to the development of the marine and blue economy.
This was an initiative introduced by the Tinubu administration to harness the enormous potential offered by Nigeria’s extensive access to the sea, which is estimated to represent a $3 trillion opportunity that had largely remained untapped.
Without high-technology-driven ports, Nigerian ports stand little chance of competing effectively with ports in neighbouring countries such as Benin Republic, which have adopted cutting-edge technology following investments by companies such as Bolloré.
BlackRock, one of the world’s biggest investment managers, with assets under management of more than $14 trillion as of last March, is currently looking at investing in Nigerian ports.
The high-tech investments in the Port of Cotonou are one of the reasons many Nigerian importers prefer to ship their goods through Benin Republic.
Consequently, that port is bursting at the seams with activity generated by Nigerian importers, while more than half a dozen ports in southern Nigeria remain idle, underutilised and deteriorating.
Without intervention, some risk becoming moribund, much like Nigeria’s old petroleum refineries, which were rendered obsolete while refineries located along the coastlines of Europe refined petroleum products and shipped them to Nigeria and other parts of Africa, even though Nigeria is OPEC’s [largest] crude oil producer.
Incidentally, Mr. Bayo Ogunlesi, the Nigerian-American businessman who is reputed to have acquired Gatwick Airport in London and who is associated with the ownership structure of Global Infrastructure Partners, which was acquired by BlackRock, could have preferred to invest in Nigerian ports earlier.
But owing to the prevailing unfriendly business policies, which constituted barriers to investment in infrastructure in Nigeria—some of which the Tinubu administration has dismantled—investors opted to invest in Cotonou instead of Nigerian ports.
Hopefully, Nigerian ports will soon become more attractive as a result of the reforms being implemented by the Tinubu administration.
With the ongoing reforms, maritime businesses may return to Nigeria from Cotonou. What this would do is create employment for more Nigerians in the maritime sector and increase economic productivity, ultimately contributing to the prosperity for all that President Tinubu touted in his October 1 Independence Day broadcast.
In light of the cocktail of good news emerging from Nigeria’s economy, particularly with respect to the macroeconomic indicators detailed above, one can safely echo the lyrics of the hit song by Awosika Josaih also known as Fido “Joy is coming.”
However, the rolling in of good times into our country has so far been largely restricted to the macroeconomic level, comprising wealthy individuals and major institutions, while microeconomic players, such as small and medium-sized enterprises, are still constrained by high operating costs.
The development of the economy, however, is not limited to wages alone. There is a broader chain of interconnected policies and investments that must work together to translate macroeconomic gains into tangible improvements in the lives of ordinary Nigerians.
The reality is that political and socioeconomic policies are unlike human beings, who can set out to move from Point A to Point B and do so with alacrity and immediate effect.
As I have argued in this forum, there is usually a time lag between the implementation of a policy and the manifestation of its benefits. This is evidenced by the established development principle that it takes more than one economic cycle for the benefits of reforms to trickle down.
In the later part of this piece, I will return to discuss how the gap between the macroeconomic and microeconomic levels can be closed faster, so that the masses can experience succour sooner than they would if conventional methods were followed.
What the macro evonomic indices currently reflect is that the significant wealth being amassed by major players in the economy—such as oil and gas firms, banks, fintechs and telecommunications companies, which have recorded huge profits in the last financial year—has yet to reach the pockets, kitchens and dining tables of a critical mass of Nigerians who are still groaning in pain.
Based on the principles of trickle-down economics, the wealth accruing at the macroeconomic level is supposed to trickle down to the microeconomic level.
But that will not happen automatically. It requires the funds accruing to wealth creators and aggregators at the macroeconomic level to be invested in businesses, particularly factories and other productive ventures, that create jobs for the masses.
For lack of enlightenment, and what I consider inadequate packaging and presentation of the administration’s policies to the public in a holistic and coherent manner, the lofty plans and programmes of the administration are not being sufficiently understood by the masses.
If these policies were presented as interconnected components of a single economic strategy, rather than in the present staccato and disparate forms in which they appear, more people might realise that many of the government’s policies have linkages to one another.
Owing to the haphazard manner in which they are being dished out, not many people realise, for instance, that most of the ongoing port rehabilitation projects are connected to the $15 billion coastal road from Lagos to Calabar.
The coastal road will ease the movement of goods across the country after they arrive through the seaports and, in some cases, airports.
What some of us do not seem to realise is that transportation costs constitute a significant component of the cost of doing business. They can represent up to 40% percent.
Therefore, fixing the existing road network, as the Minister of Works, Engr. Dave Umahi, is doing; constructing new roads, such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway and the Badagry-Sokoto Highway; and rehabilitating seaports are all interconnected elements of the transportation infrastructure and, ultimately, the cost of doing business.
And, believe it or not, it is all these policy decisions put together that will provide jobs for the masses.
These are the economic activities at the microeconomic level that will alleviate poverty and create prosperity at the grassroots level—the prosperity that President Tinubu spoke about in his Independence Day broadcast when he stated that Nigeria had moved beyond the period of … and entered the “Age of Prosperity.”
My point is that recent actions in the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy align with the renaming and restructuring of the former Ministry of Transport into a ministry dedicated to the development of the marine and blue economy.
This was introduced by the Tinubu administration to harness the enormous potential offered by Nigeria’s extensive access to the sea, estimated at $3 billion, which had largely remained untapped.
Without high-technology-driven ports, Nigerian ports stand little chance of competing with ports in neighbouring countries such as Benin Republic, which have adopted cutting-edge technology following investments by companies such as BlackRock, one of the world’s biggest investment managers, with an investment portfolio of over $14 trillion.
This is why many Nigerian importers prefer to ship their goods through Benin Republic. Consequently, the Port of Cotonou is bursting at the seams with activity generated by Nigerian importers, while more than half a dozen ports in southern Nigeria remain idle and deteriorating.
Without intervention, some risk becoming moribund, much like Nigeria’s old petroleum refineries, which were rendered obsolete while refineries located along the coastlines of Europe refined and shipped petroleum products to Nigeria and indeed other parts of Africa, even though Nigeria is OPEC’s largest crude oil producer in Africa.
Incidentally, Mr. Bayo Ogunlesi, the Nigerian-American businessman who is reputed to have acquired Gatwick Airport in London and who is associated with the ownership structure of BlackRock, could have preferred to invest in Nigerian ports.
But owing to the unfriendly business policies that constituted barriers to investing in infrastructure in Nigeria—some of which the Tinubu administration has dismantled—investors opted to invest in Cotonou instead of Nigerian ports.
With the reforms now underway, such maritime businesses may return to Nigeria from Cotonou. What this would do is create employment for more Nigerians in the maritime sector and increase economic productivity, ultimately contributing to the prosperity for all that President Tinubu touted in his October 1 Independence Day broadcast.
Clearly, the darkness induced by poverty is not over in Nigeria yet. President Tinubu, as a leader, is selling Nigerians hope, and the good thing is that this hope is tangible because we have begun to see the green shoots of recovery.
What is more, the superstructure of the bridge—the macroeconomic indices—has been built. What remains now is to lay the slab that will enable Nigerians to walk or drive across the bridge.
In this column next week, I will dwell on how to bridge the gap between the macroeconomic and microeconomic levels faster.
Magnus Onyibe,is an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, an alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, a Commonwealth Institute scholar, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government. He sent this piece from Lagos.
